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both anterior to M. de Rechberg's note of the 11th; I do not see how it was possible for the Ministers of the three Powers to have refused it when demanded; and I cannot help hoping that it may lead to the establishment of a clear basis of negociation, though I still foresee infinite difficulty in the details.

I shall be cautious how I put forward the former exchanges as having afforded advantages to Bavaria, which ought now to be taken into the scale. Wacquant allows that he was completely beat upon this point by the production of the Articles signed in June last at Vienna. I have never seen the original stipulations upon the subject between Austria and Bavaria. Can you send them to me?-for, till then, I must own that the sanction given by the Articles of the Congress appears to me to stamp the transaction as complete between the two Powers, as confirmed by the rest of Europe, and not liable to re-examination. The bargain may have been a most improvident one for Austria ; but is this a reason for giving to all the acts of Congress such a character of uncertainty as this would throw upon them? No human foresight can anticipate at what period it may suit the interests of other Powers to reexamine other acts, and the principle, once established, can no more be recalled.

As to the comparative value of the exchanges proposed, I have not so decided an opinion as you: they are both thieves, though Bavaria is the greatest thief of the two. Montgelas assures me that he is willing to submit his proofs to examination, and says that a better administration has increased the revenues of the provinces demanded by Austria since the Bavarian Government has possessed them. Wacquant answers that, if they administer so well, they may go and do the same in the countries which are offered to them. These, however, are the difficulties which it is not yet worth while to think of.

I suspect that you are not much amused at Frankfort, and

eager to quit it. Our feelings are similar; but this negociation will last some time yet, depend upon it.

Adieu, &c. F. LAMB.

Mr. G. H. Rose to Lord Castlereagh.

Berlin, January 20, 1816. My dear Lord-Both your private letter to me of the 28th ult. and its copy reached me by Mr. L. Casamajor: you would probably wish to have the latter, and I return it. Your instructions in it, and your despatch No. 1, shall be acted upon, not only scrupulously but most cheerfully, and this I earnestly request you to believe. I fear you will think I make a sacrifice of views and opinions in so doing; but there does not exist the demerit of views repugnant to yours, which it would be in any degree a merit to sacrifice by an obedience I am bound implicitly to yield.

At the time when I informed you of the opinions generally entertained at Munich and here, in the autumn and the beginning of winter, as to the views of Russia upon Turkey, I did it reluctantly, aware of the danger I ran in transmitting it to you, who had very superior means indeed of judging the character of the policy of the Emperor, whilst the tone and character of the negociations at Paris, and their progress, could be scarcely known to me; but, without forming any determinate opinion of my own, I thought I had best fulfilled my duty in apprizing you of what I heard on every side, and unsolicited by me. The mistrust the Emperor Alexander inspired arose much, I believe, from temporary and local circumstances, and much from reasonings as to what his conduct would be by analogy from the past. The unanimity of the opinions determined me to transmit them; they were offered on every side, and I never had to seek them. I lived in friendship and confidence with the Russian Envoy at Munich -here, particular circumstances will render it more difficult to me to do so: I am an old friend of the elder Alopeus, formerly Russian Envoy here, and once in England. He, too, is an old friend, and a very valued one, of Prince Hardenberg: he resides here, and it would be a great and natural object to him to be again Russian Envoy, which, too, would be very grateful to Prince Hardenberg; but his younger brother is the actual Envoy here, and he is certainly neither well with Prince Hardenberg nor with his brother. His brother's friendship with the Prince, and his being employed by the Emperor in some minor negociations, displease him, and inspire him with no brotherly feelings.

Him I am doing all I fairly can to conciliate, but he is not of a disposition which renders it easy, and his brother's regard for me is to my disadvantage with him ; but I have the thing at heart so much as to have gone out of my way twice in the last three days to mark attention to him. He is harsh, rough, and mist rustful, and his mind is soured by disappointment at not being removed from this Court, and annoyed by the ill state of health of his wife, who is most anxious to go to a climate that is, she thinks, more favourable to it. Such being the case, I have not thought it prudent to make to him advances so marked, in communicating with him on public affairs, as might lead him, minded as he is, to mistrust; but I am endea vouring to give to his mind a generally friendly impression. I fairly state thus what I have not attained, what you would naturally wish me to attain, but which I have reason to think can be attained by no man-his confidence: but I trust he has not imbibed, nor will imbibe, any unfavourable impression as to my views or feelings towards himself.

I am living on the most satisfactory footing with my other colleagues, and I hope to be able to improve it. I have always had a strong opinion of the mischief done by foreign Ministers meddling and intriguing; I have always, too, applied it peculiarly to British foreign Ministers, and it appears to me more true than ever in our present situation towards the rest of the world. If I have acted otherwise, I am not conscious of it, and it is certainly against my own opinion. I have strong reason to believe I created the view of myself in which I wished to be seen at Munich ; and I felt it to be so desirable to do the same here, and that it was still more important I should, that I cannot but be persuaded, should a report be made on my conduct here by an eye-witness, he would say I was too busily employed in skating and bodily exercises to attend duly to my public duty.

I have said nothing in my late despatches respecting Russia, because I ought only so to do while the Emperor was in transitu and absent from Petersburgh, and much more in the sight of Germany than of his Majesty's Ambassador or Minister at Petersburgh: but the instant he returned thither, I felt it my duty to cease to refer to him. To finish the subject, I add that the alarms which had existed are nearly dissipated. The elder Alopeus, who is perfectly well disposed, and who, I am confident, spoke under a perfect conviction, told me, a few days since, that he saw nothing which could disturb the peace of Europe for the next four or five years.

I have unavoidably had but little intercourse with Prince Hardenberg; but my despatches will have furnished proofs of my opinions respecting the full justice he does to the part Great Britain took in the late negociations, as wise in policy, and as friendly towards Prussia ; and he has taken marked pains to set right upon these points the public mind here, which had been poisoned in some degree by the revolutionists. All I have heard of his opinions respecting Great Britain, as standing in relation to Prussia, or on the general policy to be observed, is wholly satisfactory. You have the advantage of knowing him infinitely better than I do, but all I learn of his character coincides with the favourable view of it contained in your letter.

I send my despatches of this date by a person I have reason to think fully deserving of confidence, but I wait for a more

complete certainty to write on one or two points, on which, moreover, there is no urgency whatever. From the occupation from which you were called off to write to me, I trust your health is perfectly restored. I am, my dear lord, &c., G. H. RoSE.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

Frankfort sur Maine, January 21, 1816.

My dear Lord—You will see from the enclosed copy of Lamb's letter to me of the 10th, and of my answer to it, also sent herewith, that we are at direct issue upon what was, in my opinion, the principal point of the negociation, or rather its very essence. If you should agree in the view which I have taken upon this subject, and think it necessary (as I should hope you will not) to say anything to Lamb upon it, I pray you deal most lightly with him. I have, as you will see, if you shall take the trouble of reading my letter, been induced to enter strongly with him into the subject, and this I have thought it requisite to do from feeling that he may have gone perhaps somewhat too far in following a propensity to which we are all liable, and of which I have myself been often, and possibly with some appearance at least of justice, accused—that of entering too much into the objects and interests of the Courts to which we are accredited.

In fact, Humboldt acquainted me that their Minister at Munich had, by the same messenger which brought me Lamb's, complained to him that he derived no support, in his assistance to the Austrian, from either the British or the Russian Minister. Having said this, because both duty and inclination lead me to keep nothing from you, let me again request that nothing strong or harsh may be said to or felt towards Lamb, in consequence of the impressions by which he may have been influenced.

I have very little hope of the renewal of the negociation

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