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world. If I have acted otherwise, I am not conscious of it, and it is certainly against my own opinion. I have strong reason to believe I created the view of myself in which I wished to be seen at Munich; and I felt it to be so desirable to do the same here, and that it was still more important I should, that I cannot but be persuaded, should a report be made on my conduct here by an eye-witness, he would say I was too busily employed in skating and bodily exercises to attend duly to my public duty.

I have said nothing in my late despatches respecting Russia, because I ought only so to do while the Emperor was in transitu and absent from Petersburgh, and much more in the sight of Germany than of his Majesty's Ambassador or Minister at Petersburgh: but the instant he returned thither, I felt it my duty to cease to refer to him. To finish the subject, I add that the alarms which had existed are nearly dissipated. The elder Alopeus, who is perfectly well disposed, and who, I am confident, spoke under a perfect conviction, told me, a few days since, that he saw nothing which could disturb the peace of Europe for the next four or five years.

I have unavoidably had but little intercourse with Prince Hardenberg; but my despatches will have furnished proofs of my opinions respecting the full justice he does to the part Great Britain took in the late negociations, as wise in policy, and as friendly towards Prussia; and he has taken marked pains to set right upon these points the public mind here, which had been poisoned in some degree by the revolutionists. All I have heard of his opinions respecting Great Britain, as standing in relation to Prussia, or on the general policy to be observed, is wholly satisfactory. You have the advantage of knowing him infinitely better than I do, but all I learn of his character coincides with the favourable view of it contained in your letter.

I send my despatches of this date by a person I have reason to think fully deserving of confidence, but I wait for a more complete certainty to write on one or two points, on which, moreover, there is no urgency whatever.

From the occupation from which you were called off to write to me, I trust your health is perfectly restored.

I am, my dear lord, &c, G. H. Rose.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

Frankfort sur Maine, January 21, 1816.

My dear Lord—You will see from the enclosed copy of Lamb's letter to me of the 10th, and of my answer to it, also sent herewith, that we are at direct issue upon what was, in my opinion, the principal point of the negociation, or rather its very essence. If you should agree in the view which I have taken upon this subject, and think it necessary (as I should hope you will not) to say anything to Lamb upon it, I pray you deal most lightly with him. I have, as you will see, if you shall take the trouble of reading my letter, been induced to enter strongly with him into the subject, and this I have thought it requisite to do from feeling that he may have gone perhaps somewhat too far in following a propensity to which we are all liable, and of which I have myself been often, and possibly with some appearance at least of justice, accused—that of entering too much into the objects and interests of the Courts to which we are accredited.

In fact, Humboldt acquainted me that their Minister at Munich had, by the same messenger which brought me Lamb's, complained to him that he derived no support, in his assistance to the Austrian, from either the British or the Russian Minister. Having said this, because both duty and inclination lead me to keep nothing from you, let me again request that nothing strong or harsh may be said to or felt towards Lamb, in consequence of the impressions by which he may have been influenced.

I have very little hope of the renewal of the negociation with any probable hope of success at the present moment; and looking at the extreme and extensive inconvenience its being hung up occasions, the state of suspense in which it holds this part of Germany in particular, nay, the whole of it, by preventing the proceedings of the Diet, its immediate operation in postponing the arrangements with Darmstadt, &c, I am sure the breaking it off altogether would be the most happy event at present to be expected. Nay, paradoxical as it might otherwise appear, had I not explained my meaning in a former letter, I am convinced that this course would be the most likely ultimately to accomplish those very views of Austria which the actual negociation with Bavaria intended to accomplish. Whether this will or will not be the result of the references to Milan, it is not in my power to say, neither General Wacquant's, from the last advices, nor Wessenberg's couriers having yet returned from that place.

Having yesterday asked the latter why he, who was not only so well versed in all the statistical knowledge respecting the countries proposed to be exchanged, but who also had gone through all the details of the negociation on the subject at Vienna, and who was also the actual accredited Minister of Austria at the Court of Munich, had not been the person selected to recommence these discussions, instead of General Wacquant, he told me confidentially that the whole of this negociation, as at present pursued, grew out of a party at the Austrian Court in opposition to Prince Metternich, (we had some experience of this party at Vienna) at the head of which was Prince Schwarzenberg—that their reasoning went on military grounds, and that they had succeeded in persuading the Emperor of the necessity of acquiring those territories which he now sought to obtain from Bavaria—that Metternich, contrary to what he avowed to be his (Wessenberg's) opinion, and contrary to that which he gam me to understand was MetterniclTs, had felt himself obliged to give way, and, in order at once to conciliate his opponents, and to exempt himself from the charge of supineness in the event of failure, and to throw its responsibility from his own on their shoulders, he had thought it advisable to employ a military man as the negociator.

I have heard nothing further since my last of the project of occupying Salzburg, as therein stated; but this may possibly arise from the want of instructions from Milan, in consequence of the non-arrival of the courier despatched thither.

We have experienced some little delay in the prosecution of our Netherlands' Treaty, from the sudden death of the Prince of Nassau-Weilburg, who, on the 9th instant, in the evening, was found by his son, the present reigning Prince, at the bottom of a flight of stairs near his own apartment, with his skull horribly fractured, supposed to have fallen down the whole flight in consequence of a fit, probably apoplexy. This tragical event necessitated Gagern's absence for two days at Weilburg.

It is Gagern's intention, as Humboldt sends his treaty to Berlin prior to signature, to do the same by his Court, and I cannot blame him. The practice, however, is a vile one to introduce into diplomacy, as being calculated to add to the delays, already sufficient, in that branch of public affairs. We have to thank Razumowski for this, who set the precedent at the Congress of Vienna. Notwithstanding all this, except its introduction into his Royal Highness's speech from the throne, I think you may venture to argue upon all the territorial arrangements connected with this projected treaty as being finally adjusted, if you should conceive such arguments necessary to be urged in debate at the commencement of the Session.

Ever most affectionately yours, Clancarty.

PS. My accounts go with the present messenger direct to Mr. Bandiuel, my agent: they have, however, been signed by me, and he will deliver them to you.

Sir Thomas Maitland1 to Lord Castlereagh.

Malta, January 23, 1816.

Dear Lord Castlereagh—I am convinced, when you consider the only motive that can actuate mo upon the present occasion, you will find no apology necessary for the liberty I now take.

I understand that young Foresti is trying in England to procure the situation of Resident with Ali Basha at Jannina. This appointment is, in a variety of ways, of extreme importance to our interests in the Ionian Islands, and I apprehend is one of those that ought not only to be held by an Englishman, but by one of known prudence and discretion. Young Foresti has already held that situation, and there are strong grounds for suspecting that, when such, he actually aided the French in getting supplies into Corfu. Besides, the politics both of his father and himself are, to say the best of them, of a very suspicious character, and such appointment would infallibly give him much weight among his countrymen —a point that I think, under the present circumstances, ought to be most carefully avoided.

I thought it well to say thus much on the subject to your lordship, as you may not have been informed relative to this young gentleman's past conduct. Should, however, what he says prove true—that he is actually to be appointed—your lordship may rely upon it that I will, as far as I can, try to keep him right; nor have I any other view upon the present occasion than simply to put your lordship in possession of the fact. I have the honour to be, &c, T. Maitland.

Sir Charles Stuart to Lord Castlereagh,

Paris, January 23, 1816. My dear Lord—I was this evening honoured with your private letter of the 19th, and immediately went to the Duke

1 Brother of the late Earl of Lauderdale, Governor of Malta and the Ionian Islands.

VOl. XI. I,

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