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with any probable hope of success at the present moment; and looking at the extreme and extensive inconvenience its being hung up occasions, the state of suspense in which it holds this part of Germany in particular, nay, the whole of it, by preventing the proceedings of the Diet, its immediate operation in postponing the arrangements with Darmstadt, &c., I am sure the breaking it off altogether would be the most happy event at present to be expected. Nay, paradoxical as it might otherwise appear, had I not explained my meaning in a former letter, I am convinced that this course would be the most likely ultimately to accomplish those very views of Austria which the actual negociation with Bavaria intended to accomplish. Whether this will or will not be the result of the references to Milan, it is not in my power to say, neither General Wacquant's, from the last advices, nor Wessenberg's couriers having yet returned from that place.

Having yesterday asked the latter why he, who was not only so well versed in all the statistical knowledge respecting the countries proposed to be exchanged, but who also had gone through all the details of the negociation on the subject at Vienna, and who was also the actual accredited Minister of Austria at the Court of Munich, had not been the person selected to recommence these discussions, instead of General Wacquant, he told me confidentially that the whole of this negociation, as at present pursued, grew out of a party at the Austrian Court in opposition to Prince Metternich, (we had some experience of this party at Vienna) at the head of which was Prince Schwarzenberg—that their reasoning went on military grounds, and that they had succeeded in persuading the Emperor of the necessity of acquiring those territories which he now sought to obtain from Bavaria—that Metternich, contrary to what he avowed to be his (Wessenberg's) opinion, and contrary to that which he gave me to understand was Metternich's, had felt himself obliged to give way, and, in order at once to conciliate his opponents, and to exempt himself from the charge of supineness in the event of failure, and to throw its responsibility from his own on their shoulders, he had thought it advisable to employ a military man as the negociator.

I have heard nothing further since my last of the project of occupying Salzburg, as therein stated; but this may possibly arise from the want of instructions from Milan, in consequence of the non-arrival of the courier despatched thither.

We have experienced some little delay in the prosecution of our Netherlands' Treaty, from the sudden death of the Prince of Nassau-Weilburg, who, on the 9th instant, in the evening, was found by his son, the present reigning Prince, at the bottom of a flight of stairs near his own apartment, with his skull horribly fractured, supposed to have fallen down the whole flight in consequence of a fit, probably apoplexy. This tragical event necessitated Gagern's absence for two days at Weilburg.

It is Gagern's intention, as Humboldt sends his treaty to Berlin prior to signature, to do the same by his Court, and I cannot blame him. The practice, however, is a vile one to introduce into diplomacy, as being calculated to add to the delays, already sufficient, in that branch of public affairs. We have to thank Razumowski for this, who set the precedent at the Congress of Vienna. Notwithstanding all this, except its introduction into his Royal Highness's speech from the throne, I think you may venture to argue upon all the territorial arrangements connected with this projected treaty as being finally adjusted, if you should conceive such arguments necessary to be urged in debate at the commencement of the Session.

Ever most affectionately yours, CLANCARTY. PS. My accounts go with the present messenger direct to Mr. Bandinel, my agent: they have, however, been signed by me, and he will deliver them to you.

Sir Thomas Maitland" to Lord Castlereagh.

Malta, January 23, 1816. Dear Lord Castlereagh-I am convinced, when you consider the only motive that can actuate me upon the present occasion, you will find no apology necessary for the liberty I now take.

I understand that young Foresti is trying in England to procure the situation of Resident with Ali Basha at Jannina. This appointment is, in a variety of ways, of extreme importance to our interests in the Ionian Islands, and I apprehend is one of those that ought not only to be held by an Englishman, but by one of known prudence and discretion. Young Foresti has already held that situation, and there are strong grounds for suspecting that, when such, he actually aided the French in getting supplies into Corfu. Besides, the politics both of his father and himself are, to say the best of them, of a very suspicious character, and such appointment would infallibly give him much weight among his countrymen -a point that I think, under the present circumstances, ought to be most carefully avoided.

I thought it well to say thus much on the subject to your lordship, as you may not have been informed relative to this young gentleman's past conduct. Should, however, what he says prove true--that he is actually to be appointed- your lordship may rely apon it that I will, as far as I can, try to keep him right; nor have I any other view upon the present occasion than simply to put your lordship in possession of the fact.

I have the honour to be, &c., T. MAITLAND.

Sir Charles Stuart to Lord Castlereagh,

Paris, January 23, 1816. My dear Lord, I was this evening honoured with your private letter of the 19th, and immediately went to the Duke

Brother of the late Earl of Lauderdale, Governor of Malta and the Ionian Islands


de Richelieu and to M. de Caze, for the purpose of fulfilling the instructions it conveys. They have equally manifested the best possible disposition to comply with your wishes, and I am assured that copies of all interceptions, memorandums, and other papers connected with the subject of Sir R. Wilson's arrest, shall be entrusted to me, together with a written detail of everything which the police have been hitherto able to discover respecting the intrigues carried on by the English at Paris. As there are, however, many papers to copy, it is doubtful if the whole can be got ready before next mail.

I believe Kinnaird to have been committed in the first instance, but to have had the prudence to avoid committing himself in the transactions which have led to the arrest of the other gentlemen. The information received before the other papers by “The Morning Chronicle” upon this business must, moreover, have come through the channel of his correspondents, because he is the only person who sent letters to England by the courier despatched the evening the arrest took place.

I have already exchanged the ratifications of the Congress and of the Paris Treaty with the French Government. My repeated remonstrances and official notes have, however, failed hitherto to obtain the same from the other Powers; indeed, with this exception, of course, I much doubt if I shall obtain anything satisfactory from them before the meeting of Parliament.

Ever, my dear lord, &c., CHARLES STUART.

[Enclosure.] Paris, Janvier 22, 1816. Les alarmes du Gouvernement ont été très grandes dans ces derniers jours. On a redoublé les gardes aux Tuileries, et on a donné des cartouches aux soldats. Les Anglais aussi ont fourni de la cavalerie pour faire des patrouilles. On craignait effectivement une explosion et il parait que les ennemis du Gouvernement, qui certainement sont en très grand nombre, voulaient tenter un coup pour faire en sorte que le service funèbre pour Louis XVI. n'eut pas lieu. On avait même cherché à exciter des troubles parmi les ouvriers qui travaillaient à l'église de Saint Denis pour cette cérémonie. La police fait toujours des arrestations nouvelles, mais il paraît qu'on ne parvient pas à découvrir les fils de ce qu'on machine.

On a commencé à ouvrir des régistres dans plusieurs villes de France pour faire inscrire tous ceux qui dans le tems n'adhèrerent pas à la condamnation de Louis XVI. Mais comme on sait qu'il y a plusieurs centaines des milliers de Français qui la signèrent, il est très sûr que cette autre misérable mesure va encore diviser et enflammer les esprits davantage; et malheureusement ils l'ont été beaucoup par suite des discussions de la chambre des députés et de l'exil des votans. Les cris contre les infractions faites à la charte s'élèvent de toute part, parceque on craint qu'à la première occasion on ne veuille revenir sur les ventes des domaines nationaux.

Au reste, comme la situation de la France devient tous les jours plus alarmante, je suis forcé de répéter plus que jamais que, dans l'équilibre politique de l'Europe, la France ne peut plus entrer que comme force répugnante qu'il faut très soigneusement contenir. Le meilleur moyen d'atteindre ce but est décidément celui de contenter les autres nations aux dépens d'elle ; car si la France, dans l'état actuel de l'Europe, parvenait à avoir l'appui de quelqu'une des autres nations qu'on a injustement mécontentées, on peut être sûr qu'il en résulterait an bouleversement universel dans le monde politique.

La brochure du Général Sarrazin, dont j'ai parlé dans un de mes précédens bulletins et que le Gouvernement Français avait fait saisir, a été payée quatorze-cens francs par ce même Gouvernement au libraire qui l'avait achetée et imprimée. À présent lo dit libraire imprime un autre ouvrage de Sarrazin qui est intitulé: La guerre de la Restauration. Le Gouverne

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