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princes more immediately belongs to the Emperor of Austria ; and, though his Imperial Majesty is alive to the subject, I think he will be very reluctant to use force; and yet without force I do not believe the thing can be done, as the King, whatever he may feel of remorse as to the mode in which these works came into his possession, will be very reluctant by any act of cession, or even of composition, on his part, to take upon himself any of the responsibility of their removal from Paris.
Lord Walpole to Lord Castlereagh.
St. Petersburgh, September 11, 1816. My dear Lord-I have letters from Dr. Campbell of the 29th of June, from Tabriz: he assures me that, whatever are the feelings of Abbas Mirza in regard to the change operated in our relations with Persia, he will in no way disturb the peace with this country. I am well informed that the Russians are daily advancing further into the Persian territory bordering upon the Caspian, notwithstanding the peace lately ratified.
Baba Pacha, appointed Seraskier of Erzeröm, had been on the point of breaking with Persia; but an officer arrived within these few days at Teflis has brought the information that he is preparing to attack the Russians, unless Imeritia is restored to the Porte, according to the article in the Treaty of Peace between this country and Turkey, by which it was to have been given back to the latter.
I have nothing further to write you from this place. The Emperor has not yet mentioned any period for his return, and the delay has occasioned a more profound impression than I have ever before observed. The Empress has publicly announced (as a secret) the intended marriage of the GrandDuchess Anne and the Prince of Orange.
Sir Daniel Bayley arrived here a few days ago, but has brought me no letters. Pray have the goodness to write me a
line by the post from Paris, to say when Lord Cathcart will return to St. Petersburgh.
Your obedient, faithful servant, WALPOLE.
Lord Castlereagh to Lord Liverpool.
Paris, September 14, 1815. Dear Liverpool-I forward by the present courier a private letter relative to the Louvre, which ought to have gone with my despatch on the same subject sent on Sunday. I also send you a letter I have just received from Arbuthnot, with his note accompanying it. You are acquainted with his correspondent: his remarks in this, as in many of his former communications, appear to me deserving of attention; and you will observe his impression of the state of parties in France agrees pretty nearly with those I sent you a few days since. His opinion coincides with mine, that the King, by firmness, keeping the Royalists back, and a direct policy, may create out of the men whom the Revolution has bred a party capable of governing ; but that, out of the Court party and the highflying Royalists, he can extract nothing at the present conjuncture but weakness and confusion.
There seems no doubt that an excellent spirit of loyalty will prevail in the new representation. If this could be moderated instead of goaded by the Court, the Ministers would be strong enough for every exertion, and they could hardly venture to fall short of their duty. Thus supported and watched, the Bonapartists and the Jacobins would sink into insignificance; but I am afraid the game will be otherwise played. The Court, that is Monsieur and the Duchesse d'Angoulême, will probably excite the Royalist members to run, first at Fouché, as the more odious object, and next at the Government generally. In both these efforts they will be assisted by the Jacobins, who wish nothing so much as to see the Royalists committed in the Government, which will soon concentrate all the weight of the Revolution against the Court, and thus render their chance of overturning the Bourbons infinitely greater, or at least of setting aside this branch of the family.
In fact, they appear to me to be creating an Orleans party, which, with a little more management, would soon die away, as the Duke has no great following from personal consideration; he is only looked to as a resource against the known or supposed views of other branches of the family.
As I stated in a former letter, I look with the more alarm to this state of things, because I am convinced it will lead to internal disturbance and a desultory warfare, which will soon turn to the disadvantage of the royal cause, unless the Allied troops are brought forward; and, although one of the great objects of a strong army on the side of Flanders undoubtedly is to support the King, in the event of a new convulsion, yet it is another thing, by intemperate management on the part of the Court, to be mixed in the police of the country. The force that would be amply adequate to the first object, as well as to cover Europe from attack, would dwindle to nothing, if spread over the interior of France.
I am, &c., CASTLEREAGH.
Lord Lirerpool to Lord Castlereagh.
Fife House, September 15, 1815. My dear Castlereagh-I can assure you that I am fully sensible of the injurious effect which must result from the general line on present politics taken by our daily papers, and particularly by those which are supposed to be Government papers. You know, however, full well that there are papers, which are vulgarly called Government papers, in consequence of the support which they give to the Government rather than to the Opposition of the day: there are no papers over which we have any authority, or even any influence on which we can depend.
It is supposed by many at home, and I have no doubt, generally believed on the Continent, that these papers are in the pay of Government; whereas no paper that has any character, and consequently an established sale, will accept money from Government; and indeed their profits are so enormous in all critical times, when their support is the most necessary, that no pecuniary assistance that Government could offer would really be worth their acceptance. The only indirect means we possess of having any influence over the editors is by supplying them occasionally with foreign intelligence, and by advertisements; but, with respect to the former, it is notorious that some of the papers which are not connected with Government have always had the earliest foreign intelligence; and, with regard to the latter, they know full well that the public offices will necessarily be obliged, sooner or later, to insert their advertisements in the papers which have the greatest sale, and they hold in consequence very cheap any menace to deprive them of this advantage. It may be difficult to make foreign Governments understand many of these circumstances; but a very little inquiry ought to satisfy them that, even as to our domestic politics, we never can rely on what are called the Government papers, on those points where their assistance would be most necessary. The Courier, at that time, as now, a Government paper, took, as you will recollect, a most decided and mischievous part against the Duke of York in the year 1809, and we could not get any public print to support us last year, either upon the question of the Property Tax or the Corn Bill. The truth is, they look only to their sale. They make their way like sycophants with the public, by finding out the prejudices and prepossessions of the moment, and then flattering them ; and the number of soi-disant Government or Opposition papers abound just as the Government is generally popular or unpopular. There can be no doubt that the line which has been lately taken by the daily papers in this country respecting France, has been in unison with the public feeling; and if you ask me vol. xi. C
the cause of this public feeling, I have no difficulty in aseribing it almost exclusively to the impunity which has hitherto attended, with only one exception, all those who deserted the standard of the King of France, to join Buonaparte. I enter not into the question how far this was or was not unavoidable; but I am persuaded that if, in the first fortnight or three weeks after the return of the King, a proper military tribunal could have been established for the trial of the commanders of corps which had joined Buonaparte before the King quitted the French territory or even Paris, and six or seven examples had been made of the most flagrant offenders, the public feeling as to France would have been as different as possible from that which we have experienced, not only with respect to the King's Government, but likewise as to all the questions relative to the reduction of the power and the territory of France.
I should further add that the publication of Fouché's Reports has done incalculable mischief. I enter not into the propriety of his having made such reports to the King. In that he may be justified ; but it was a most flagrant indignity to the Allies that he should allow them to be circulated, and that his agents should have sent them over to this country for publication, before they had been communicated to you, and under circumstances which induced us to represent them generally as gross forgeries.
You will make what use of this explanation you may judge proper. I have thought, however, that you would not dislike to have the ideas which have occurred to me on the whole of this subject brought into one point of view.
Believe me to be, &c., LIVERPOOL.
Mr. Augustus Foster to Lord Castlereagh.
Copenhagen, September 15, 1815. My Lord, I take the opportunity of a private conveyance to acquaint your lordship with an interesting conversation that