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unattainable. I am, however, far from thinking that this alteration of proceeding will create delay, and am strongly of opinion that the return of M. de GagenTs courier, and that of one already despatched by M. de Humboldt with the same object, will enable us to complete this business to the reasonable satisfaction of all parties.

We had last night, Humboldt, Gagern, and I, a sitting of near four hours' duration, in which we went through the whole treaty, during the course of which many points were reconciled, and several ceded on both sides; so that it may now with truth be asserted that only one subject of difference exists to prevent the entire accord of both plenipotentiaries. This is upon the proportionate share which each party should incur in the expense of supply and maintenance of the fortress of Luxemburg; which, upon first statement, would appear a large obstacle to prevent agreement, but which, upon examination, seems to me to dwindle almost into nothing. In the first place, it has been agreed to lay down as a principle in one of the articles that this expense should be borne by the German Confederacy, whose fortress Luxemburg is, and it is stipulated by the same Article, already assented to, that the High Contracting Parties shall exert their efforts, according to their moyens respectifs, to obtain the adoption of this principle by the Diet. (Note, I do not see any objection to our signing an Article thus qualified: if you should think there is, be so good as to acquaint me with it without the least delay.) The difference then only operates materially upon a contingency which may never occur, viz., that of the Confederacy refusing to supply and maintain their own fortresses. As there are, however, some rumours of opposition on this point, and some opinions abroad (our friend Minister's par eremple) that the Confederation should not be loaded with the expense, at least exclusively, of supporting those fortresses, the governors and garrisons of which have been disposed of without her authority, the parties are right in ascertaining by what means these supplies shall be borne, in the event of refusal, either in the whole or in part by the Diet.

Those expenses are principally—1. Provisions for the garrison to be used in war—for, in peace each party is willing to uudertake the nourishment of its own troops. 2. Ammunition. 3. Fuel, and light furniture and utensils for barracks and hospitals. 4. Repairs and maintenance of the fortifications. Of these, though M. de Humboldt professes to hold that the whole should be equally borne by both parties, he has authorized M. de Gagern to write to his Court that, if the principle of equality shall be acceded to on the two last, he will consent that his Court shall bear the expense of the two first, in the proportion assented to by M. de Gagern for the whole, viz., in that of the number of troops to be furnished by each, or, in figures, in that of three to one. And, from private conversation with Humboldt, I have but little doubt that, provided equality is acceded to as the governing principle on the last point, he will not be indisposed to give way on the third also.

The only point then which I consider to exist to impede the final arrangement (supposing, however, their Courts to be in unison with the plenipotentiaries here—a fact of which they both state themselves to be doubtful) is the fourth. Now, on this I really think the arguments are in favour of Prussia; nay, after establishing it as a principle, that the whole materiel of the place is the absolute property of the King of the Netherlands, and, under this, having undertaken that his Court shall supply barracks, hospitals, stables, &c, at their own exclusive expense, M. de Gagern and his Government may, in my mind, rejoice that Prussia is ready to take an equal share in the expense of improving, repairing, and maintaining the works, instead of throwing the whole upon the Netherlands. I have privately communicated to M. de Gagern my opinion in this respect, in which he states himself fully to coincide, and informs me that he will not fail to reason the matter thus in his present despatches to his Court.

If, then, the Court at the Hague shall take what I consider a reasonable view of this matter, the treaty may be said to be closed, for whatever Humboldt thinks fit to urge in Conference, he privately states himself to have no doubt of being borne out by his own Government. You see we have made gigantic strides towards the completion of this business since my last. Both parties have, indeed, evinced an anxious desire to approach each other; and latterly the effect of this has been the leaving only one point of difference between them, and this of such a nature that, if the others shall be agreed to at the Hague, there can, as I should conceive, be but little difficulty in their yielding to the Prussian proposal upon tliis particular point. In my opinion, then, on the return, and that a speedy one, of the courier, we shall be called upon to sign. You will, therefore, see the necessity, if they shall not already have been forwarded, of sending my full powers to me without the least delay.

From Munich I have heard nothing since my last, and, having no messenger either on this or that station, I can scarcely expect to hear but imperfectly through others. Humboldt, however, acquaints me he has letters down to and dated the 22nd. In consequence of Montgelas' note, and in order, if possible, to make something of the last paragraph of it, the plenipotentiaries there had sought a conference with Montgelas. This had, in the first instance, been assented to, but afterwards postponed upon the plea of taking the King's previous orders; but, up to the 22nd, these orders had not been received. Wacquant has received despatches from Prince Metternich, (who, it appears, is confined with the ophthalmia at Milan) by which the General is directed to adhere to the Paris Protocol.

This is all the intelligence that Humboldt gives from his letters, and, I must confess, I can make but little of it. What is to be done, under the direction of adhering to the Protocol, further than what ought from the first-to have been done without it, viz., ascertaining whether the Court of Bavaria would or would not treat npon the principle of renounced contiguity, I am ignorant.

Adieu! this Bavarian question keeps all Germany in suspense. The Diet cannot open till it shall have been disposed of.

Yours most affectionately, Clancarty.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Ccutlereagh.

Frankfort sur Maine, January 28, 1816.

My dear Lord—I wrote to you yesterday, intending to have sent my letter by a courier despatched by M. de Gagern to the Hague, and to beg of James thence to forward it. But Lamb's despatches, which subsequently reached me, and the opportune arrival of the Messenger Vick from Berlin, on his way to Paris, induced me to recall my letter from M. de Gagern, and to send it with Lamb's and my despatches, vid Paris, to England.

I have nothing to add to what I have said on the Netherlands' Treaty: this matter, brought as it is to a point, and that of Bavaria being hung up quant & nous, for at least a fortnight, by the Prince Royal's appeal to the Emperor, here we are for that space of time perfect idlers.

I tremble at opening the indemnities proposed by the Paris Protocol to Bavaria; great apprehensions will result from such a step, and it will involve such an unsettlement and resettlement of territory as will reflect upon the proceedings at Vienna, place the term of final arrangement probably still at some distance, and hazard our acquiring in style what we shall almost be in fact—a second Congress. I greatly fear Metternich's ineaution will involve us in all this.

The following extract of a letter of the 25th inst., from Carlsruhe, may be interesting to you. I received it yesterday from WesBenberg:—

"M. de Lavalette est arrive le 17 Janvier, sous le nom d'un Colonel Anglais, (Lossack) a Manheim. II en est reparti deux jours apres, a passé par Stutgard, et s'est acheminé paisiblement vers Munich. Le Gouvernement Badois en a recu l'avis hier l'aprbs-midi de Manheim. II est cependant étonnant que la France n'ait fait aucune demarche pres du Gouvernement d'ici au sujet de l'arrestation de Lavalette dans le cas qu'il vint se refugier dans le grand-duch£. Elle n'a pas meme trouve bon d'envoyer son signalement dans notre contrée."

The following is an extract of Lamb's note to me—I know not that it is of any value, but send it, lest it should be:— "There seems to be an extremely active communication between Austria and Prussia. A courier direct for Berlin passed through here two nights ago: I believe another had passed about a week before. I have not mentioned this to Lord Castlereagh—do, if you think it worth while." Although I scarcely think it worth while, you have the fact, and the words in which it has been conveyed. From everything which appears here, these two Courts are on the best possible footing—and, in my mind, so much the better.

Yours, my dear lord, most affectionately,


Lord Clancarty to the Hon. F. Lamb.

Frankfort sur Maine, January, 1816.

My dear Lamb—I have received your long letter of the 10th instant, with its long reasoning, which, for both our sakes, I could either have wished to have been more sound, or, if sound, that my understanding had been sufficiently acute to comprehend its force.

In the first place, I send you a copy of the Protocol of the 17th of November, in support of my former assertion respecting the origin of General Wacquant's mission. And now to your dissertation upon Rechberg's note, which I had not failed to read with my best attention, before I addressed you on the

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