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upou this projected sacrifice of Baden, and how little his despatch to you of the 29th of January would justify our support of so considerable an unindemnified demand from the Court of Carlsruhe, more especially in addition to the cession required of her by the Protocol, and to the disposal in succession of a considerable and valuable territory belonging to that Government, without any concert with, or privity on its part.

If this is our case, what is likely to be the conduct of Russia on this new subject? Is it likely that she should stand forward to support this additional sacrifice on the part of her brother-in-law? I am not so simple as to imagine that his Imperial Majesty of Russia has any violent attachment to his wife's family, but, en revanche, he certainly does possess considerable predilection for his own fame, quite sufficient to prevent him from laying himself open to the censure of affording his support to the sacrifice required—not demanded with a view of indemnifying Bavaria, for that has been already amply done by the Protocol, but for the purpose of effectually aggrandizing that Power.

If this is the case with Great Britain and Russia, how stands it with Prussia upon this subject? If we may believe the assertions of her plenipotentiary here, (and I see no reason to discredit them on this point) he is directed to give full support to the arrangements of the Protocol; but (and these very recently received) on no account to go beyond these, unless he shall receive further and specific instructions to this effect; which, no doubt, if they shall be issued, will be based upon the demand of some considerable and probably inadmissible quid pro quo, as the price of Prussian good offices; so thus another complication will arise in direct contravention of the wishes of all the Allies, as expressed at Paris.

With this view of the probable opinions of the several Allied Courts, there would appear to be but little likelihood of carrying the ulterior negociations, so brightly imagined by Prince Metternich, into effect. But this is not all—as I learn, and from good authority, Baden has resolved (and who can blame her ?) not to send any Minister here, for the purpose of negociating sacrifices on her part without indemnities. If these shall be held out, in order to induce her to grant full powers to her Minister here, they must be held out at the expense of some other Power, possibly Wirtemberg, who will have the same right, and probably act in the same precise manner: so that, if these negociations shall ever be commenced, they will be interminable. If, on the other hand, an attempt should be made to carry Prince Metternich's happy project into effect by force, besides the public scandal of such a measure, it is very clear that two out of three Courts will never lend themselves to such a proceeding; neither will the third, unless induced to do so at a price far exceeding the value of the service. Under these circumstances, I can see but one way out of this labyrinth.

Prince Metternich acted with some dexterity in taking Count Rechberg at his word with respect to the estimated revenues of the circle of Main and Tauber. These being placed at 100,000 florins, Bavaria can have no title to look for more, although I doubt not these revenues amount to at least three times that sum. Nay, upon a subject of such complicated difficulty, aggrandized as she has been, and still will be, it would not be too much to ask of the Court of Munich to retire a little from the amount of the estimate of her plenipotentiary, and to be satisfied with a less increase of revenue than 100,000 florins. I should therefore propose that Austria, by her deliveries of salt to Bavaria, to the amount of 50,000 florins annually, without payment, should personally indemnify her to this extent; or, if she should like it better, that she should withdraw her demands upon the Court of Munich to that amount. Lord Castlereagh's despatch to you, of the 29th of January, would authorize the support of some further moderate sacrifice from Baden; and this, I should think, would be found in the circle of Main and Tauber, lying on the right of the Tauber, with the exception of the town and banlieu of Wertheim, (forming, as it does, the sole péage belonging to Baden upon that river) and thus far, upon the authority of the letter above cited, I should be prepared to go; and our example, in support of this diminished demand from Baden, would probably produce some effect in procuring that of the other two Courts. The revenues of this proposed cession would probably go near to make up the 100,000 florins estimated by M. de Rechberg as the value of the whole circle; but, if not, it is surely more just that Bavaria should charge herself with the difference than that the whole sacrifice should fall on a third Power. If Prince Metternich shall give instructions to Wessenberg for some modified arrangement of this sort, perhaps we shall be able to do something on this subject. As matters at present stand, I think any satisfactory issue absolutely impracticable, and for the reasons above stated.

Farewell, &c, Clancarty.

Droit de Garnison de Mayence.


L'Empereur consent, dans le cas de l'arrangement avec la Bavière, tel qu'il a été arrêté en notre faveur entre les quatre Cours à Paris—arrangement qui permet à l'Autriche de disposer de la totalité de ses possessions sur la rive gauche du Rhin,

1°. A ce que la place de Mayence, en sa qualité de place fedérative, recevra une garnison composée des troupes Autrichiennes, Prussiennes, et de Darmstadt.

2°. Que le Gouverneur soit Autrichien et le Commandant Prussien; le nombre de la garnison Autrichienne et Prussienne devant être le même; celui de la garnison Hessoise sera determiné de commun accord.

3°. Que tout ce qui sera relatif à l'entretien des garnisons

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respectives, des routes militaires, pour établir leurs communications avec les Etats respectifs—en un mot, tout ce qui concerne tant les objets militaires qu'administratifs, dans la présente question, soit arrangé et convenu, de gré à gré, entre les deux Puissances, de manière à prouver leur parfait accord à l'ouverture des délibérations qui devront avoir lieu à la Diète à ce sujet, et à celui du système général de défense de l'Allemagne.

4°. Que jusques-là, tout reste in statu quo, à moins de changemens sous le point de vue administratif, des quels pourraient convenir les deux Cours, en attendant les arrangemens de la Diète.

5°. Que l'Autriche, pour assurer davantage son système de défense et celui des frontières d'Allemagne, reçoive le droit de garnison à la forteresse principale federative, qui sera jugée devoir être construite pour la défense du Haut Rhin, sur la même échelle que la Prusse a le droit de garnison à Luxembourg; l'Autriche réservant toutefois la faculté de se relâcher selon la convenance des circonstances, sur le droit de nommer en même tems que le Gouverneur également le Commandant de la place.


Le Chancelier Hardenberg a chargé M. de Krusemark de déclarer au Prince Metternich que sa Majesté Prussienne acquiesce aux propositions susdites, mais qu'elle y attache les deux conditions suivantes:

1°. Que le futur Commandant Prussien dans cette forteresse aura (à l'honorifique près) les mêmes attributions que le Gouverneur Autrichien, et qu'ils agiront constamment dans un parfait concert et en commun.

2°. L'Autriche ayant l'intention de concéder à la Bavière le droit exclusif de mettre garnison dans Landau, qui doit rester forteresse de la fédération Germanique, le Roi demande que la Bavière n'en garde pas seule la disposition, mais que sa Majesty Inipériale se reserve expressément le droit et contracts l'obligation de placer garnison a Landau en meme tems que cette derniere.

Mr. B. Frere to Lord Castlereagh.

Constantinople, March 11, 1816.

My Lord—The change of tone on the part of the Internuncio, reported in my despatch No. 8, of this date, requires some further explanation than I am able to give in a public letter, without having the appearance (which I should by all means wish to avoid) of complaining of the conduct of one of my colleagues.

The only instructions which he has received consist in a letter from Prince Metternich, written to him in his own hand, on the night before he left Paris for Milan. The Prince there mentions the Treaty respecting the Seven Islands and the nature of its stipulations, which he tells him that he will receive from the Secretary of State's Office at Vienna, and says that the British Minister is charged with a communication upon the subject.

The despatch, which he received at the same time from the Office at Vienna, enclosed the several treaties which had been concluded at Paris, and amongst them that of the 5th of November, together with the procfo verbal of the Conference of the 21st. The Under-Secretary, after enumerating them, says, "Though particular circumstances have rendered it advisable to make these treaties public in France, without waiting for the ratifications, you will of course understand that they are not sent for the purpose of being communicated to the Porte, but merely for your private information; without prejudice, however, to the orders which you may have received from Prince Metternich, with regard to your intercourse with your colleagues."

This is, as nearly as I can recollect, the tenour of the letters which he showed me yesterday, in explanation of this

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