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The Austrian Government does not appear, however, to have been, in any one instance, attacked by the writers in question.
The Prussian Charge- d'Affaires has been authorized by Prince Hardenberg to sign the proposed note, but General Pfuhl has received no answer to his application long since made to Count Nesselrode on this subject. The publicity which has been given by the Baron de Binder to his proceedings in this affair is not considered likely to contribute to the attainment of the proposed object.
M. de la Tour du Pin, who lately expressed himself with great warmth on the subject of the obnoxious publications, appears now to be satisfied with the measures intended to be pursued by the Government of the King of the Netherlands, and not desirous that the project of the Baron de Binder should be carried into effect. He concluded a conversation last night on the subject, by saying, " Cest vouloir enfoncer une porte ouverte."
I have the honour to be, &c, G. W. Chad.
Lord Gastlereagh to Lord Cathcart.
Foreign Office, May 28, 1816.
My dear Lord—The information you will receive by the present courier is so very full on all the points, that I hardly see the possibility of adding to it. It may be, however, proper to apprise you that M. Anstett's language at Frankfort has given an impression that the Emperor is much more averse to accommodate Bavaria than I take to be the case.
The enclosed extract of the Russian note to Count Bray, justifies a different inference. In order to facilitate the required cession of the circle of Main and Tauber, I find that Austria is disposed to press that a pecuniary indemnity should be made to Baden, out of the funds assigned at Paris to fortify the Upper Rhine; and, by some misconception, this proposition, which appears extremely objectionable, is supposed to have been dropped by me in conversation with Prince Esterhazy. I shall write to Lord Clancarty to correct this mistake. The difficulties of this question can alone be finally dealt with at Frankfort; therefore, any suggestion I throw out is merely for consideration; but my own impression is, that Baden may well cede this small circle of mediatized subjects, upon the reversion, as settled by the Protocol at Paris, being modified so as to embrace the Hochberg line. If pecuniary indemnities are required, it is not out of the fortification fund they should be taken.
Your lordship will perceive that it is only by making the Slave Trade and the question of the Barbary Powers go pari passu, that we can fully meet the wishes of the Emperor and of the other Powers, who press the latter point as one of universal interest. I think his Imperial Majesty will enter cordially into the views of the British Government upon thus combining them in one common cause, and I have no doubt, if we all draw heartily together, upon the broad ground of giving repose upon Christian principles to the human race, of whatever colour, and in every part of the globe, that we shall do ourselves credit, and render a lasting service to mankind.
I have just received your Persian despatch. You may assure the Emperor that the Prince Regent is disposed to rely with confidence on his Imperial Majesty's spontaneous attention to such claims of indulgence on the part of the Shah as his Persian Majesty may appear to be entitled to form, from the circumstances under which the treaty was negociated.
You will at the same time observe that his Royal Highness would never have obtruded his intervention on this subject, if the influence of the British Ambassador had not, at the time, been made instrumental to the signature of the peace, and had not the hope of his good offices in procuring some modification of the terms from Russia formed, as his Royal Highness had reason to suppose, a motive with the Shah for making peace when he did.
You will perceive that the tender of the Emperor's mediation on the American question forms by no means a parallel instance; and you will therefore leave the question in such a state as that, whilst the claim to a formal interference is suspended on the part of your Court, their claim to some favour being shown to the King of Persia shall not be weakened; and your lordship will endeavour to persuade the Persian Ambassador that in this state it is most for the interest of his Court that the question should be left.
I am, &c, Castlereagh.
Lord Castlereagh to Lord Clancarty.
Cray Farm, June 4, 1816.
My dear Clancarty—I send you a voluminous transmiss, to peruse on its way to Vienna. You will see, in my despatch to Charles, my reasons for wishing these papers should be withheld for the present from your respective bureaus; but you may make notes for your private information on any points you may deem useful.
Since I closed my despatch to you, I have seen Esterhazy, and conversed with him on Metternich's instructions. I have fully explained to him my objection to any diversion, even in the nature of a loan, of the fortification fund. I stated to him further my opinion that, if any pecuniary indemnity was to enter into the arrangement with Baden, it could only come from either or both the States who signed the Treaty of Munich. He seemed to consider an indemnity of this nature an expedient only to be looked to in case Russia pressed it.
I think you will find Russia not impracticable on the territorial question, if the Hochberg line is included in the actual succession of the Baden family; and this does not seem either a great or unreasonable sacrifice on the part of Bavaria.
Your appointment to the Hague has been gazetted, and your outfit money issued. This, of course, is exclusive of plate, which will be provided for the embassy. I entirely approve of your return by Paris, and shall be most happy to
see you here for a short time, before you proceed to the Hague. <
I am, &c, Castlereagh.
Send my brother a copy of my despatch to you of this date.
Sir Charles Stuart to Lord Castlereagh.
Paris, June 13, 1816.
My dear Lord—I enclose the extract of two statements I have received, which state facts respecting the communication maintained by my Russian colleague with the French Government, which I am disposed to believe.
The examination of Count Toreno and the Spaniards who have been arrested at Paris continues to occupy the attention of the police, and I learn from good authority that their inquiries are principally directed to the objects of the subscription entered into by private individuals in London, for the support of the party which opposes the measures of the present Government in Spain. The Minister of the Police is of opinion that the result of the information he has obtained, proves that the insurrection of Polier and the late conspiracy at Madrid may be traced to the misapplication of this money. Believe me, &c, Charles Stuart.
Lord Cathcart to Lord Castlereagh.
St. Petersburgh, June 20, 1816.
My dear Lord—I had the honour of receiving your lordship's despatches by the Messenger Latchford, who arrived here on the 3-15 instant. A Russian courier, despatched about the same time by Count Lieven, had travelled with greater expedition, and the Emperor was already fully and accurately in possession of everything that had been said or communicated to his Ambassador at London. His Imperial Majesty was in the country, with all the Imperial family, to make a short stay at the several more distant palaces round this metropolis, and with the Prince of Orange (whose de
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parture with his bride stands for to-morrow). The filtes at several of these places, which were splendid, taking leave, and a great manœuvre with eighteen battalions and thirty-four cannon, &c, made it impossible for his Imperial Majesty to give me an immediate audience, but I was honoured with an appointment this evening, and am just returned from a conference of considerable length.
The lateness of the hour and early departure of the post oblige me to postpone farther report and details. With many sincere thanks for the interesting and most important information your lordship has given to me,
I have the honour to remain, &c, Cathcart.
Mr. B. Frere to Mr. W. Hamilton.
Constantinople, June 26, 1816.
My dear Sir—The information which I have received from Sir Thomas Maitland of the existence of a party in the Ionian Islands, who endeavour to traverse his measures, and who, to support their credit with their adherents, give it to be understood that the Emperor of Russia means to interfere in their affairs, has made me consider it as peculiarly important to prevent the Russian mission here from doing anything which might give a colour of truth to such insinuations.
This apology may be thought necessary for the length of the correspondence with which I have troubled Lord Castlereagh on this subject. I have endeavoured to conduct it with all the temper and moderation which is due to M. d'ltalinsky's1 professions, and to give way as little as possible to the feelings which the obvious tendency of his proceedings is calculated to excite.
The truth is that in our conversations we seldom differ,
whereas in our official correspondence we as seldom agree; and,
being disposed to attribute this incoherence to the pen that he
employs, I determined to try the channel of a private corre
1 Russian Ambassador to the Porte.