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fiat being given, either in signature or accession, to any part of your labours, till the whole is concluded, including the arrangement for Beauharnois. Upon the latter point, I see great distrust of Austrian sincerity; and if such is to be the course in calculating the time necessary for negociating with Baden and Naples, I am afraid that we cannot hope to have these two points in a shape for incorporation in the treaty for two or three months to come.

If the parties are agreed upon so dividing the negociation, we could feel no objection to such a course; but I see so little probability of this, that I do not deem it advisable to send you any official instruction to support such a measure. I have some doubts even of the prudence of Austria bringing forward such a proposition, which, if not accepted—and it cannot be accepted, except upon a special reference to St. Petersburghwill only produce discontent, by creating an idea that, having settled their main objects, the Court of Vienna is desirous of giving the go-by to the point of Beauharnois, by leaving it to pair off with the Bavarian claims upon Baden. It is true, Austria may be argued to have a direct interest in settling the Baden point; but I do not think Russia will accept that interest as her security for settling the Beauharnois point, whilst she has the whole mass of arrangements as a security in her hands.

I am, therefore, hopeless of finding any shorter road to a close of this concern than pushing each question to an issue as fast and as successfully as may be, letting the Germanic body, in the mean time, commence its business. This involves the inconvenience of keeping you for an indefinite length of time at Frankfort, which, in the present temper of the discussions between the French Government and that of the Low Countries, on the exiles, the press, &c., I certainly consider to be a serious evil. I wish you to weigh all these considerations, with reference to the state in which the instructions from St. Petersburgh may place the negociations, and to give me your own ideas as to the best compromise between these conflicting difficulties.


Mr. G. W. Chad to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, July 12, 1816. My Lord-M. de Hogendorp, President of the Council of State, and one of the Cabinet Ministers, has composed a memorial, to which he has affixed his name, and has caused the same to be printed and distributed amongst the members of the Government. The opinions expressed in this document have given great offence to his Belgian colleagues, and the measure is considered by the Dutch Ministers as extremely injudicious. The inhabitants of the Low Countries are therein accused of a partiality to the French system, and some of the members of the States General are also stated to be animated by a bad spirit.

Whilst conversing with me this morning upon the subject of the memorial, the Baron de Nagell informed me that M. de Hogendorp had, on a late occasion, written to M. de Spaen, the Dutch Minister at Vienna, and had given him instructions upon an affair which was then under discussion at that Court; that M. de Spaen had acted upon these instructions, although they were in opposition to those which he had received from the Baron de Nagell ; and that the King had, in consequence, determined upon immediately recalling M. de Spaen, and was with difficulty dissuaded from this measure.

These circumstances occasioned a very warm discussion in the Cabinet between the above-named Ministers, in presence of his Majesty; and M. de Nagell did not conceal from me that the pretensions of M. de Hogendorp to the part of Prime Minister and Leader of the Lower House rendered him extremely obnoxious to his colleagues.

I have the honour to be, &c., G. W. Cuan.

Lord Cathcart to Lord Castlereagh.

St. Petersburgh, July 1-13, 1816. My dear Lord— I rejoice in the opportunity of writing to your lordship without reserve. I continue to believe the Emperor to be perfectly sincere in all the professions he has made of a pacific disposition, and that he is firm in his intention to co-operate fairly and fully with his Allies, in the execution of all his engagements ; and I do not at present see any reason to apprehend a change of system.

Incidents may occur to create alarm ; and, with a view to render it more easy to appreciate duly the source and value of apparent deviations from the principles which have been professed, I think it may be useful to state some observations upon what appears to be the present disposition of the Emperor's mind.

His Imperial Majesty is certainly fully aware of the power which the extent of his military preparations places in his hand. He is fond of his army, and proud of it. He considers it as brought to its present perfection by his own exertions. He would have pleasure in the task of adding to it, and consequently is tenacious of it, and averse to set about that reduction and consequent diminution of expense, which his discernment and good sense demonstrate to be absolutely necessary for the interest of his empire. He is equally sensible of the important place which Russia now holds in the counsels of Europe. He is surrounded by people of all sorts, who continually paint this power and these advantages in the most flattering colours, and excite him to show it by partial interferences.

He has not, as far as I know, any Minister who would venture to persist in opposing cool reflections to his declared will, and I do not know any to whom he would allow opportunities of giving such opposition. It is generally observed that his Imperial Majesty has acquired, within these last years, much more confidence in himself, and that he is much

more inclined to act from his own judgment. Acting, therefore, in the plenitude of such power, without control, and often without advice, it is difficult to suppose that those passions which generally govern the actions of men shall never prevail with him, and that steps may not sometimes be taken, which would have been avoided on consultation and calm reflection. The better ordering military arrangements in all their branches has occupied a great proportion of the hours of business. But these hours are found on all days and in all places, and a great deal has been done and is now in progress in various departments. Except military business and foreign affairs, all public business is reported through General Count Arakchieff, who, though afraid of the Emperor, certainly possesses an ascendant over his mind. This general has shown great diligence, method, and ingenuity, in bringing to their present perfection the arrangements of the Ordnance Department, and particularly those of the field train, in their most minute details. I believe he will always make most conscientious and faithful reports of all the business he lays before his Imperial master, but I do not believe he would expose himself to the loss of the Emperor's favour and confidence by persevering in unfolding unpleasant truths or opposing his will. He is the person to whom the Emperor professes to give the greatest share of his confidence; but all those with whom his Imperial Majesty personally and habitually transacts busimess have more influence than he is aware of by the manner in which their reports are worded, and the moment when they are made, which may be more or less favourable, for many reasons, but especially when chosen so as to be most likely to occasion the investigation or termination of business to be left to them. There is no declared favourite. I know of no secret influence, nor do I believe that there exists any excess or predominancy of religious disposition. Prince Galitzin, the Minister for what concerns divine worship, is often with him. He is a very worthy man, and I do not believe that he either does or desires to interfere in other concerns. The Emperor supports the Church established in his empire, and has restrained the Jesuits and banished them from his capital for making proselytes; but, on the other hand, he has given the most liberal support to the Bible Society, and has not only authorized and encouraged the printing and publishing the Bible in the Slavonian, and in all the other languages and dialects used by his subjects, but has this year permitted it to be printed in Russian, although it is read in the churches partially, and in Slavonian only. The Emperor appears to me to be generally more cheerful; he is always in his uniform; and, though he often rides out without any other attendant, has always a servant in livery with him. In regard to the Emperor's disposition towards Great Britain, I have every reason to be convinced that he is extremely partial to it, and that he would rather revisit England than any country he has seen. I think he has great deference for your lordship, and that he has a much more correct notion of public questions in England, and of the nature and composition of opposition to Government, than he had. I see innumerable instances of preference for English opinions, produce, inventions, &c., which he is often more inclined to check and conceal, than to profess, and of which he is often not aware. But all Russians are peculiarly alive to unfavourable comparisons. They are hurt at any apparent superiority. Perhaps it hardly amounts to the definition of envy, but they hate us for doing what they cannot do ; and, without any particular object of immediate advantage, will always feel inclined rather to abate than increase our power, and to join in any measure to curb our dominion over the sea, or to check our commerce. To this disposition I ascribe the popularity in this country

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