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more inclined to act from his own judgment. Acting, therefore, in the plenitude of such power, without control, and often without advice, it is difficult to suppose that those passions which generally govern the actions of men shall never prevail with him, and that steps may not sometimes be taken, which would have been avoided on consultation and calm reflection.

The better ordering military arrangements in all their branches has occupied a great proportion of the hours of business. But these hours are found on all days and in all places, and a great deal has been done and is now in progress in various departments. Except military business and foreign affairs, all public business is reported through General Count Arakchieff, who, though afraid of the Emperor, certainly possesses an ascendant over his mind. This general has shown great diligence, method, and ingenuity, in bringing to their present perfection the arrangements of the Ordnance Department, and particularly those of the field train, in their most minute details. I believe he will always make most conscientious and faithful reports of all the business he lays before his Imperial master, but I do not believe he would expose himself to the loss of the Emperor's favour and confidence by persevering in unfolding unpleasant truths or opposing his will. He is the person to whom the Emperor professes to give the greatest share of his confidence; but all those with whom his Imperial Majesty personally and habitually transacts business have more influence than he is aware of, by the manner in which their reports are worded, and the moment when they are made, which may be more or less favourable, for many reasons, but especially when chosen so as to be most likely to occasion the investigation or termination of business to be left to them.

There is no declared favourite. I know of no secret influence, nor do I believe that there exists any excess or predominancy of religious disposition. Prince Galitzin, the Minister for what concerns divine worship, is often with him. He is a very worthy man, and I do not believe that he either does or desires to interfere in other concerns. The Emperor supports the Church established in his empire, and has restrained the Jesuits and banished them from his capital for making proselytes; but, on the other hand, he has given the most liberal support to the Bible Society, and has not only authorized and encouraged the printing and publishing the Bible in the Slavonian, and in all the other languages and dialects used by his subjects, but has this year permitted it to be printed in Russian, although it is read in the churches partially, and in Slavonian only.

The Emperor appears to me to be generally more cheerful; he is always in his uniform; and, though he often rides out without any other attendant, has always a servant in livery with him.

In regard to the Emperor's disposition towards Great Britain, I have every reason to be convinced that he is extremely partial to it, and that he would rather revisit England than any country he has seen. I think he has great deference for your lordship, and that he has a much more correct notion of public questions in England, and of the nature and composition of opposition to Government, than he had. I see innumerable instances of preference for English opinions, produce, inventions, &c, which he is often more inclined to check and conceal, than to profess, and of which he is often not aware. But all Russians are peculiarly alive to unfavourable comparisons. They are hurt at any apparent superiority. Perhaps it hardly amounts to the definition of envy, but they hate us for doing what they cannot do; and, without any particular object of immediate advantage, will always feel inclined rather to abate than increase our power, and to join in any measure to curb our dominion over the sea, or to check our commerce.

To this disposition I ascribe the popularity in this country of the principles of the Armed Neutrality, and, in like manner, I am convinced that there exists a jealousy of our influence with the kingdom of the Netherlands, and with Persia, and of the extent and importance of our Indian empire.

In 1812, during the invasion, and when hopes arose of delivering Europe, and of replacing something like the former construction of the nations which compose that quarter of the globe, your lordship may recollect that I reported a conversation, in which the idea of annexing Holland to Denmark was named; but it was, at the same time, said, England will not like that, because there certainly exists a plan to unite Holland more closely to Great Britain by marriage.

That this marriage did not take place certainly was matter of triumph in some minds; and the marriage which has taken place, good as it certainly is in itself, is considered by Russian politicians as particularly advantageous, inasmuch as it may afford the means of substituting Russian influence, and detaching the Low Countries from us.

Marriages of royal persons do not ensure permanent connexion between their courts. I have seen instances, where it has been tried (not by the Emperor himself) to excite jealousy of us, I believe without success, in the mind of the Prince. If the Emperor should make a separate interference in regard to Luxemburg, it will afford a confirmation of my hypothesis. There have been many slight instances which have recalled to me the notion I had formed of this jealousy in regard to the Low Countries; even within these few days, I thought I marked it in his eye when the passage in your lordship's despatch, in which the defensive alliance with Holland is quoted as an example, was read.

I have asked for some more precise details of the reduction of force which is proposed. If carried fully to the extent named, it might go nearly to a reduction of a tenth of the disposable force. The continuance of the establishment, and of the dislocation of the troops on the frontier, are objects of jealousy.

I do not find that the plan of reduction has been spoken of to other Ministers. The continuance of the army in the quarters near the frontier is still stated to he for the purpose of consuming the magazines which had been formed there, and which it is better economy to consume on the spot than to remove to the interior with the troops or dispose of by sale.

There is a great festival and celebration of an anniversary in the Church on the 15th of August, old style. The Emperor has appointed to set out on the 10-22 of August, for Moscow, to be present at this ceremony; and he will probably make some short stay there. Afterwards, he will, it is said, go to Kieff, which may perhaps also have a religious object; and he will then proceed to Warsaw, from whence he will return to this place.

I have not heard that there will be any great assemblies of troops. I shall, however, consider it my duty to do all I can to obtain leave to accompany the Emperor, and at least to meet him at Moscow and Warsaw; but I dare not speak of it yet.

Next week, it is understood, the Emperor will go to pass a few days on a visit to Count ArakchiefFs, at some distance in the country.

I have the honour to remain, &c, Cathcart.

Prince Esterhazy1 to Lord Castlereagh.

Le Dimanche matin. Jai l'honneur, Mylord, de vous envoyer ci-joint le memoire Prussien, que je vous prie de me renvoyer, quand vous en avez pris connaissance a votre loisir, puisque j'ai l'ordre de ma Cour de donner le moins de publicity que possible a cetto piece, par egard pour la Prusse.

J'ose en m&me temps [vous rappeller] la promesse que vous avez bien voulu me faire de me donner communication des 1 Austrian Ambassador in London.

instructions de Lord Exmouth, puisque je désirois bien pou-
voir les transmettre à ma Cour par Lord Clanwilliam.
Recevez, Mylord, l'expression de ma haute considération.

Prince Metternich to Prince Esterhazy.

Vienne, le 27 Juin, 1816.

Mon Prince—Vous aurez vraisemblablement été informé directement par le Ministère Britannique de la manière dont Lord Clancarty a envisagé notre réclamation concernant l'excédant du revenu des postes dans la Belgique, réclamation qu'il trouve inadmissible, et au sujet de laquelle il a écrit dans ce sens à sa Cour.

Monsieur le Baron de Wessenberg, en m'informant de cette circonstance, me transmet la note ci-jointe en copie, dans laquelle Monsieur le Baron de Humboldt énonce une opinion tout aussi peu favorable que celle de Lord Clancarty, et qui a provoqué l'ordre au Ministre Prussien près la Cour de la Haye de désister de toute démarche ultérieure à l'appui de la réclamation commune.

En même temps que je charge Monsieur le Comte de Zichy de faire à ce sujet des représentations au Ministère Prussien dans le sens de la dépêche dont Votre Altesse reçoit ci-jointe une copie, je fais parvenir à la Mission Impériale près la Cour des Pays-Bas l'ordre de reprendre la poursuite de cette affaire. Vous voudrez bien, Mon Prince, faire de votre côté les démarches convenables. Le désistement de la Prusse ne doit pas nous empêcher de soutenir une prétention, dont la justice me paroit incontestable, et a déjà été reconnue implicitement par la Cour de Londres; car Votre Altesse n'ignore point qu'elle n'a jamais contesté le principe, et qu'elle a fait dépendre uniquement son acquiescence de la question s'il n'en résulteroit pas un charge trop considérable pour les finances des Pays Bas, ce qui n'est nullement le cas. Vous pourrez même faire observer, Mon Prince, que cette charge, loin d'être

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