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southern coast of Labrador as lies between Mount Joli and the Esquimaux Islands. Mr. Monroe told me that, if he could procure in Washington any circumstantial information respecting the proposed coast, he should be able to proceed immediately in the business: but, on the following day, I received a note from him, stating that he had been under the necessity of writing to the Secretary of the Navy, then at Salom, beyond Boston, for the information which he required.

After repeated interviews with Mr. Monroe, he told me that he imagined that the Secretary of the Navy had sent to have the coast in question examined, and Mr. Monroe himself then went into the country, from whence he only returned yesterday. I immediately waited upon him, when he told me that the tract of coast which I had proposed had several settlements upon it; and, though convenient in point of position, it appeared to the persons who had examined it to want many of the requisite advantages. He then expressed his wish that an allotment should be given up on the eastern coast of Labrador, above the Straits of Belleisle. I told him that I could save much useless discussion upon that point by assuring him that there were insuperable objections to granting any part of that coast; but that, if the one proposed was really unsuitable, I would not disguise from him that I was authorized to offer part of another coast, which unquestionably afforded every convenience which the United States could require. I accordingly offered the second proposition, which gives the unsettled part of the southern coast of Newfoundland, from Cape Ray to the Ramen Islands.

This is the state of the business at this moment, and I expect that, in a few days, we shall come to some final agreement upon the subject; but I have already detained the packet so long, in waiting for Mr. Monroe's return to Washington, that I do not think it right to delay it any longer.

From the manner in which Mr. Monroe received the second proposition, I entertain hopes that it will be accepted, and that I shall be able to annex to the acceptation an express abandonment of all pretensions to fish or dry on any other of the coasts of British North America—at all events, that I shall not be under the necessity of yielding the two propositions, which your lordship may be assured that I shall not do, excepting in the very last resort.

By a letter which I had received from Admiral Griffith, I learnt that he had already given orders for the seizure of all American vessels found fishing within our limits; but I wrote to him on the 6th of last month, (the day after I had first seen Mr. Monroe upon this business) requesting that he would abstain as much as possible from taking any steps which might, at the present moment, embarrass the negociation, which I confidentially acquainted him was then on foot.

I have the honour to be, my dear lord, your lordship's sincerely faithful servant,

Charles Bagot.

Intelligence from Paris.1

Paris, Mercredi, 21 Août, 1816.

On assure que le Gouvernement demande aux étrangers un délai de cinq ans de plus pour payer les six cent millions de contributions restant, et qu'il consent à ce prix à solder et entretenir aussi pendant cinq ans de plus l'armée étrangère d'occupation. Ce serait emprunter six cents millions, à cent cinquante millions d'intérêt par au. Je vois que cette mesure du Gouvernement serait fort désapprouvée, mais je ne vois personne en proposer de meilleure, ou même d'équivalente.

Le Pavillon Marsan et ses amis ont un maintien et une conversation singulière et bizarre; ils ne demandent pas mieux

1 The only information given concerning this sensible Paper is conveyed in the indorsement — "Received from Sir C. Stuart, 1816."— Editor.

que de voir se prolonger la résidence sur le territoire Français de l'armée étrangère parce qu'elle protège l'ordre et l'établissement actuel, et ils sont en animadversion contre ces mêmes étrangers parce qu'ils recommandent le maintien de la charte comme moyen d'ordre et de paix intérieure.

Je vois que le Gouvernement, qui se plaint de la manière dont les Gouvernemens étrangers le laissent traiter dans leurs gazettes, fait ou laisse publier dans ses papiers qui sont tous un peu officiels, puisqu'aucun ne paraît pas sans son attache, tout ce qui se débite de fâcher, sur la détresse vraie ou fausse de la classe industrielle de l'Angleterre. Le ton des journaux Français n'est d'accord que sur ce point, et il me semble que cette ingratitude envers l'Angleterre est à l'ordre du jour parmi toutes les Puissances de l'Europe. Elle se conduit envers l'Angleterre comme la France envers M. de Talleyrand. Je ne sais si je suis à la fois trop bon et trop bête, mais je trouve cette conduite aussi imprudente qu'ingrate. C'est Angleterre seule qui a sauvé l'Europe, qui a rallié les souverains et leur a donné les moyens: aucun d'eux seul n'eut pu se tirer d'affaire. Otez le pivot Anglais, ou sa force morale, de la machine politique du Continent, les forces des Souverains se vont mettre en jeu au gré de leurs passions privées ; la masse des autres forces n'aura plus de centre, ne pourra plus se rallier, s'organiser, et résister à une force impérieuse et ambitieuse un peu prépondérante telle que se présente la Russie. Il en est des Etats de l'Europe pris collectivement comme de chaque État en particulier il y faut un pouvoir ou une influence supérieure pour en resserrer et maintenir le faisceau; et nulle Puissance peut jouer ce rôle d'une manière moins dangereuse pour les hiérarchies continentales que l'Angleterre dont le territoire ne touche à aucune d'elles. Quant au système d'équilibre, ce n'est qu'un beau roman. Je maintiens qu'il faut une influence capitale, et, certes, elle est moins dangereuse à Londres qu'à Petersbourg.

Mr. Edward Thornton to Lord Castlereagh.

Stockholm, August 24, 1816.

My Lord—I had the honour of being admitted to a short audience of his Swedish Majesty on Tuesday last, the 20th. I am not very desirous of importuning your lordship with reports on the declining state of the King's health, which are otherwise sufficiently in circulation, although, in that respect, I did not observe any very material alteration: but I cannot refrain from mentioning to your lordship the striking declension in the mental faculties of his Swedish Majesty, which I had never occasion to observe before. The King was sufficiently prepared for my coming, and his first questions, of a common nature, relating to my journey, led me to suspect nothing of the failure of his memory. But immediately afterwards he asked me if I had not remarked the great changes which had taken place in the country. On my expressing by my countenance some surprise at a question of this sort, after so short an absence, he repeated it, and added that since the time of the deceased King (meaning Gustavus III.) there had been great changes in the country, and whether on coming back I had not been struck with them. He repeated this observation and allusion to the late King {feu le Rot) a second time.

With regard to the physical health of his Majesty, I did not observe any material alteration. There was perhaps a little in the increased degree of debility, and in the augmented care of the two gentlemen who were present, and who supported the King by the arm as he stood to receive me. But one of them desired me to speak louder, as his Majesty was exceedingly deaf; and this certainly was not the case before, nor when I had my audience of leave last year. I have not yet been admitted to the presence of the Queen. I have the honour to be, &c,

Edward Thornton.

Lord Cathcart to Lord Castlereagh.

St. Petersburgh, August 16-28, 1816.

My dear Lord—I have little to add in the form of a private and confidential letter to what I have stated in my despatches; but as opportunities of writing confidentially do not frequently occur, I am glad to profit by every safe conveyance.

The Emperor, with his accustomed kindness, gave me several opportunities of seeing him before his departure without ceremony and in the country. In speaking of his journey, the language of his Imperial Majesty has been uniform as to intended dates, and as to the places he means to visit. He made it perfectly clear that he wished me not to follow him; but he said that he could not object to my travelling where my inclination might lead me within his dominions, and assured me that, if I did come where he was, I should be well received; and that I must not expect to find him at Warsaw later than the 5-17 of October. It ended at last in a sort of compromise, that I should not make the journey, unless there should appear to me to be a strong and urgent reason for it; but that, in that event, I may set out without farther communication with him, as if it were to make an excursion for my own amusement or curiosity.

Notwithstanding his attention to business, and the number of hours daily allotted to it in all places, the Emperor appears to me to have enjoyed this summer much, and to have taken great pleasure in the country, especially at Czarskoizelo, where he has put the grounds into great order, and planned many improvements. Considerable alterations are also in progress in his palaces and in ornamenting this city. He has also passed more of his time with the Empress, and they appear to be very happy together, nor is there anything of which I am aware likely to interrupt that harmony.

In regard to his popularity, it is difficult here to ascertain

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