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letter to Vienna on this subject. You will see I have gone as far as I well could to carry the point of the reversion for Spain. If Austria declines or hesitates, I am clear Spain ought to accede, notwithstanding, to both treaties, by which she will secure much, and, in fact, lose nothing, as the reversion remains equally open to future negociation. Her holding off, so far from operating in favour of her object, may create an expectation that Lucca, &c., by her obstinacy, may also become disposable, and thus both possessions pass into other hands.

I have told Fernan Nuñez how the case now stands, and that we have done our best to settle the point in their favour. I have also given him my opinion as to the line his Court should pursue in either alternative, which is not to hesitate in giving their accession ; but whilst we have thus endeavoured to serve Spain, we must not be understood to be committed beyond the present time, with respect to the reversion of the Duchies ; not that we have any present intention of giving another destination to it, and certainly see serious objections to its going to the little Buonaparte; but, in all such cases, it is right to preserve our free agency; and there certainly is no motive for pledging ourselves blindly to such a Government as that of Spain on any question, without reference to combinations and circumstances, to which the future may give birth, if the Allies cannot at the present moment be brought to agree in closing the question as we have proposed.

I have only to-day received your confidential letter from Paris of the 31st ult. I am not aware of the cause of this delay; possibly the late gales have obstructed the passage. I send you a copy of my letter to Sir Charles Stuart, in reply to his on the reduction of the Allied force in France, in which I have placed the question as we agreed. I rather incline to think that, to give the French Government the full advantage of this measure in point of influence, the Duke de Richelieu ought to address himself officially to the Allied Ministers without delay, and that they, giving as much hope as their instructions will permit, as to the future, snould, upon conference with you, adjourn the final decision of the question till after the Chambers shall have taken their measures for the service of the ensuing year. This will keep you free, and put the French Government in a situation to make the new Assembly feel that the prospect of relief depends upon themselves.

I am not able to judge of the probable success of the intended measure of Parliamentary Reform. It certainly is a bold measure, but it is not necessarily wrong on that account. It seems necessary for the King and his Ministers to do something decisive to acquire the means of going on, and I don't know that any more feasible course presents itself.

I shall neglect no means to awaken the Government of the Netherlands to the danger, I should rather say the ruin, they will sooner or later bring upon themselves, if they do not cease in time to make their press and their territory the instruments of general mischief. We may offend by our constitutional license, because we have the sea for our frontier; but such a State as the Netherlands will never be tolerated in doing so; I quite agree with you, however, that Prince Metternich's despatch on this question is very ill-considered, and that the Allied Ministers must be very cautious of obeying his summons.

I am, &c., CASTLEREAGH.

Mr. G. W. Chad to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, September 9, 1816. My Lord—I understand from M. de la Tour du Pin that he has addressed a very strong note to M. de Nagell on the subject of the Belgian press, and that his Excellency has in consequence informed the French Minister that the project of a law to restrain the license of which complaint is made will be submitted on Wednesday next to the Council of Ministers. The punishment proposed to be inflicted on persons convicted of a libel is public whipping and branding with a hot iron. The severity of this enactment is, in the opinion of M. de la Tour du Pin, likely to defeat the object, and to cause the proposed law to be rejected by the States-General. An enactment of the same nature as the Alien Bill was suggested by the French Minister, as a more effective and less objectionable ineasure ; but it is said that, as such a law would be an infraction of the 4th Article of the Constitution, the King has declared his repugnance to a measure which his Majesty considers as a violation of his coronation oath.

I have the honour to be, &c., G. W. CHAD.

Count Fernan-Nuñez to Lord Castlereagh.

Londres, ce 11 Septembre, 1816. Mon cher Lord Castlereagh- À la suite de la conversation que j'ai eu avec vous Dimanche dernier, je ne peux vous donner une plus grande preuve de ma confiance, ainsi que des sentimens du Roy mon maître qu'en vous envoyant la traduction des dernières dépêches que j'ai reçu du Cabinet par la voie du Secrétaire des Affaires Étrangères.

“Le Gouvernement Britannique doit être persuadé que l’Espagne, étant forte, ne succombera jamais à l'influence d'un puissant voisin (comme la France) qui le sera toujours, malgré ses derniers revers, puisqu'elle conserve la richese du sol, de la population, des lumières, l'industrie, son armée, sa marine, sa position géographique, &c. L'union de l'Espagne avec l’Angleterre est celle de deux Puissances qui ont un ennemi commun, puisque ennemi et voisin sont synonymes.

“L'intérêt propre de l'Espagne l'unit aussi bien que la politique à l'Angleterre, car l'Espagne, ayant des colonies, elle doit servir de marché aux manufactures Anglaises, n'en ayant point des nationales, ni ne pouvant en avoir même dans plusieurs années. Si elle doit les conserver et le gouverner, elle a besoin d'une très-forte marine, pour correspondre avec elles;

celle-ci étant détruite du résultat de la guerre, elle doit done dépendre de l'Angleterre. Il est donc clair que l'Angleterre a un sûr garant de l'amitié de l'Espagne, tant dans sa politique que par ses besoins. D'après tout donc, et d'après les intentions du Cabinet Britannique, de que l'Espagne soit forte et indépendante de toute autre Puissance dans sa conduite, étant son Alliée intime, il est nécessaire que pour arriver à ce but, l'Angleterre influe par les moyens qui sont en son pouvoir à empêcher que la Cour du Brésil ne vérifie point son projet d'usurpation sur le territoire du Roy d'Espagne en Amérique, comme elle vient de l'entreprendre sous prétexte de la garder en dépôt.”

C'est avec le plus grand plaisir que j'ai donc occasion, Milord, de vous transmettre des sentimens que je vous ai communiqué de parole bien de fois, et j'ose me flatter que sans faire usage de cet écrit, vous y verrez de nouveau la franchise et bonne foi, avec laquelle j'ai toujours parlé, puisque vous avez su me faire inspirer les mêmes particuliers sentimens que je vous conserverai, et avec lesquels je serai toujours votre très-sincère serviteur et ami,

F. N. (Enclosure.) Nouvelles reçues à Londres le 13 Septembre, 1816. Artigas a fait la paix avec ceux de Buenos Ayres, pour s'opposer ensemble à l'expédition Portugaise : les partis sont très agités les uns contre les autres. Le Général Belgrano a été mis en liberté, mais il a du se cacher chez le Consul AngloAméricain, pour échapper les insultes de la troupe. Le Général San Martin a été appelé à Buenos Ayres, pour commander l'expédition contre les Portugais. Cette armée sera de 20 mille hommes, 12 mille de Buenos Ayres, et 8 mille de caballerie, que donnera Artigas.

L'expédition de 4 mille hommes, commandés par des officiers venus d'Europe, qui devoit aller a la côte de Chili est détenu jusqu'à savoir le résultat de cette Portugaise.

Garcia écrit de Paris qu'un officier, qui étoit aide-de-camp du Maréchal Lannes, s'est embarqué pour la Nouvelle York, et qu'il porte la correspondance du Général Esper à Josef Bonaparte.

L'envoi des officiers Français pour l'Amérique continue; et même les Officiers Irlandais qui se trouvent réformés des régimens Anglais, prennent aussi service pour l'Amérique en très-grand nombre, surtout ceux qui ont fait la guerre dans la Peninsule, parce qu'on leur fait croire que Mina les commandera là bas en Amérique ; mais ce Général est tranquille à Paris : il n'y a en Amérique que le neveu, qui est un vrai fou, sans connoissance, mais avec beaucoup de vanité. Il étoit capitaine et il est sorti de Londres pour aller en Amérique, avec l'uniforme de général, pour faire à croire que c'est son oncle.

Mr. G. W. Chad to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, September 13, 1816. My Lord — The law, of which I had the honour to make mention in my last letter to your lordship, upon the license of the press, was this day proposed to the second Chamber of the States-General. The communication from the King which accompanied the project, stated in very precise terms that no change of the present system was intended, as far as regarded the affairs of the kingdom, or any part of the Government of the Netherlands; that the power of discussion would remain on these heads perfectly unrestricted; but that the repeated complaints of neighbouring States had rendered some protection for foreign Powers indispensable.

The principal features of the project, as far as I could collect them, whon read by the clerk, were as follows :—The author of any publication in which foreign and friendly Governments shall be attacked, or their rights or legitimacy questioned, to be sentenced, on conviction, to a fine of 500 floring, (about 150 sterling) and in default of payment to six months' imprisonment: for the second offence to a term of imprisonment not

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