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sustain the principle of Canning's precedent in amount. It is true both acted as Ministers plenipotentiary, but then it was only ad interim, and to return upon their £ 1,000 a-year, as Secretary of Embassy. Now, if the pension for Secretary of Embassy so circumstanced is to be .fl^00 a-year, he gets more for doing nothing, than he would for doing his duty if his principal had returned and the mission subsisted; I do not think this stateable or argueable; I rather think the pension ought to be referable to his real not his temporary rank; and if this principle be the correct one, I do not think the pension ought to exceed «tJ800.

In haste, yours, &c, Castlereagh.

Nicholas is to have the same at Ali Pacha's Court as he had at Heligoland. I believe, i?l,000 a-year.

Mr. Edward Thornton to Lord Castlereagh.

Stockholm, October 17, 1816.

My Lord—I have no subject of any public importance with which to trouble your lordship by the present mail. A few evenings ago, I took an opportunity of paying my court to the Prince Royal; and, in an accidental conversation, which was brought on by my inquiry after the health of the Princess Royal, whom I had seen at Paris, his Royal Highness took occasion to advert to the situation of the Princess's sister, tho wife of Joseph Bonaparte, who is at present at Frankfort, aud who, according to the destination assigned to her by the Allied Sovereigns, is hereafter to proceed to Kiew, in Russia.

The Prince observed that her state, as well moral as physical, was at present such as to make it extremely probable that she would sink under the journey and the privation of all her former friends and society; that her character was well known for the little part she had ever taken in political events, and for the exemplary conduct of her whole private life: and he could not but hope that the Allied Sovereigns would regard her present state with compassion, and would permit her to establish her residence in some country where she would not be so utterly deprived of the society and correspondence of her relations and friends.

It was on this subject that his Royal Highness begged me to say to your lordship that, if the Prince Regent's Government found no objection to it, your lordship would confer a particular obligation on himself personally, by authorizing Lord Cathcart at St. Petersburgh, and Sir Charles Stuart at Paris, to give it to be understood at those two Courts, that his Royal Highness's Government would take no umbrage, and would even consent without difficulty that the destination of Madame Joseph Bonaparte might be changed, and that she might be allowed to fix her residence in Switzerland, or in a rayon of about ten leagues about Frankfort. The former of the two places of residence would, I believe, be preferred.

The Prince Royal went into detail on the personal motives which induced him to interest himself in the fate of Madame Joseph Bonaparte, and which must be sufficiently obvious to your lordship without my mentioning them. I need only observe, that the Princess Royal has always lived with her sister on terms of the tenderest connexion, and that the Prince could not do an act more grateful to the former than by preventing a separation, which the distance and circumstances must, in all human probability, make a separation for ever.

Your lordship must be better acquainted than I can be with the personal character of the sister; all that I have ever heard speak of her give her the reputation of the most exemplary and almost saint-like virtues.1

I have the honour to be, &c,

Edward Thornton.

1 This letter is endorsed—" There will be no objection on the part of the British Government, if the other Allied Governments think fit to change the place of retirement of this lady."

VOL. XI. X

Lord Clancarty to Lord Catilereagh.

Frankfort sur Maine, October 23, 1816.

My dear Lord—I write merely to acknowledge the receipt of yours from Mount Stewart of the 9th inst. Though we might have received an answer to your communication by Mills, from Vienna, on Thursday last, the 17th, allowing sufficient time for consideration, yet nothing has been received by Wessenberg from Metternich. The usual weekly Austrian courier arrived on Sunday the 20th, without a line. In fact, Wessenberg has not received a single word, as he informs me, from Metternich, relating to the Bado-Bavarian negociation, since the 30th of August last. It may be possible that some view may be entertained at Vienna, of arranging matters with Bavaria, and thus terminating our proceedings during the reunion, in consequence of the approaching marriage; and the departure hence of the Comte de Rechberg, and his arrival on Monday last at Vienna, may afford apparent facilities for this.

I should, however, doubt, in the present irritable disposition of Bavaria towards Austria, and which appears but little allayed by the expected connexion, that it will be found easy to settle matters to the satisfaction of the former, without sacrifices which the latter will not be inclined to make. I hope you will approve and find the course I have adopted conformable with your views, as announced in your letter of the 9th, upon the subject of the 16th Article of the Netherland Treaty.

This Article has now been changed in redaction into the form herewith enclosed, and in this shape both Wessenberg and Anstett have approved of it, and also of the whole treaty— objecting on the part of my Court that, even in its present shape, it should enter into any treaty to which the Prince Regent should be made an immediate party, I have agreed that the treaty between Prussia and the Netherlands, of which it will form a part, should be annexed to and incorporated with our final treaty here; and this, in the modified form in which this particular Article stands, and by which the whole discussion is left open for the Diet, cannot prejudice whatever his Royal Highness may think fit to do in his capacity of Regent of Hanover.

Adieu—I will send you in my next the copy of a letter I have received from Prince Leopold, and a copy of my answer, not yet written, in which a strong effort is made on his Highness's part to involve me in the little intrigue, of which one of your former letters makes mention. I need not add, that the

attempt will he ineffectual.

Clancarty.
[Enclosure.]
ARTICLE XVI.

La place de Luxembourg 6tant forteresse de la Confe'dération Germanique, et les Gouvernemens de la Prusse et des PaysBas ne pouvant, en conséquence, etre census avoir obligation de l'entretien exclusivement a leurs frais pour la defense commune, la question de ces entretiens, sur les modifications spécifiées dans les Articles précydens est expressément re^ervee aux discussions de la Diète.

Lord Castlereagh to Lord Bathurst.

Mount Stewart, October 26, 1816. My dear Bathurst—I feel, with you, the question between Spain and Portugal to be a very embarrassing one, especially to us; I also incline to think that, as a line of absolute neutrality or indifference would, in the long run, be hardly practicable, the most prudent mode of interfering will be by considering the whole as a species of infraction of the Treaty of Vienna, and that on this ground we should invite the five other Allied Powers who signed that settlement to concur with us in offering a joint mediation to arrange all differences in such manner as may be consistent with the preservation of the general pacification there concluded. This will mix France

and Sweden in the question. The latter will he no embarrassment: the former Power it is essential to carry along with us.

If this is our ultimate measure, the only question is how to prevent additional complications that may in the mean time occur. I rather think, whatever may be threatened, that nothing can happen during the winter. The Spaniards have no army in a state of equipment to enter Portugal. At this season, and, I believe, till the green forage exists, which is not till late in May, operations are utterly impracticable in that country, without a scale of preparation of which the Spanish Government is wholly incapable. On the other hand, we hear of no preparations in Portugal for sending more force across the Atlantic; nor can this be attempted without our having full notice. My notion, then, is that, if you cannot gain time upon the plea of the present separation of the Cabinet, you should take up the ground of declining a separate interference, declaring, at the same time, that the Prince Regent cannot see with indifference so serious an interruption to the general tranquillity, and that it was his intention immediately to call the attention of his Allies who signed the Peace of Vienna to the question, for the purpose of interposing their good offices conjointly to settle matters.

Pending this reference, I think it desirable, if possible, to keep matters quiet, without actually engaging to stop the Portuguese Government from moving troops. This is a strong measure in principle, and it is desirable to tranquillize the Spanish Government, by showing them the improbability of such an attempt, rather than by pledging ourselves by force to prevent it. As far as management goes, there can be no difficulty in saying that our endeavours will be so directed.

Perhaps it is an additional motive for making this a Congress question, in order that we may be enabled, with the concurrence of Europe, to force upon Spain some more liberal

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