« PreviousContinue »
ship of the diplomatic art, no doubt, despise such paltry considerations.
Ever most sincerely yours, Clancabty.
[Enclosures.] Extrait d'ime Lettre confidentielle de M. Vanderfosse, Procureur-Général au Ministre de la Justice.
Bruxelles, 1 Mars, 1818. «Tai pensé que son Altesse le Prince de Waterloo seroit charmé de connoître une circonstance que je n'ai apprise qu'hier: c'est que Lord K payoit à Arnheim, par l'entremise de la maison Stappaerts et à l'un de leurs correspondants, la pension de deux auteurs, (Guyet et Cauchois le Maire, sans doute) et que Collignon, non plus que Brice, avoient disparu de Bruxelles.
Extrait d'une Lettre confidentielle de M. Vander/osse, Procureur-Général au Ministre de la Justice.
Bruxelles, 1 Mars, 1818. On va presqu'à prétendre savoir avec certitude, que le
31 Janvier dernier, Lord K fit confidence de sa lettre de
la veille à M. le Gouverneur du Brabant, Merid, lequel lui auroit répondu de prendre bien garde à la part qu'il auroit l'imprudence de prendre à cette affaire.
Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.
The Hague, March 18, 1818. My dear Lord—On M. de La Tour du Pin's return here from Bruxelles, he was very sanguine in his expectation that both M. Collignon and Brice would be arrested. The Procureur-General at Bruxelles had also hopes of success, but not so strong, on this subject. These, as they respect Collignon, are now at an end. The information on which the ProcureurGeneral and La Tour du Pin have been proceeding, has been
found incorrect; the party has not been at Bruxelles since August last. Hopes are still the same of being able to lay hold of Brice.
Another source of information has presented itself to the Procureur-General of Bruxelles, which he is endeavouring to investigate. According to the information thus derived, (whether true or false remains to be discovered) the plot for the murder of the Duke was contrived at Bruxelles. Among those those who had a knowledge of it were Comte Victor de Croquembourg, now in the Conciergerie at Paris, Nicole, or Martinet, also confined there, Guyet and his wife, Cauchois le Maire and his wife, (the last of which is also a prisoner at Paris) and all the writers of the former Nain Jaune. Their meetings were held at the house of a grande dame, the position of which has been pointed out, and with such precision, to the Procureur-General, that he doubts not thus to establish the name of the owner thereof, who, he strongly suspects, is Madame Regnault de St. Jean d'Angely.
M. de Croquembourg is a Belgian of known disaffected principles: his brother, against whom, however, I am not aware of there being any imputation, is one of the Prince of Orange's aides-de-camp. Madame Regnault is very intimate with Madame de Berenger, one of the leading characters among that respectable body of elderly ladies at Bruxelles who used to surround the Prince, in whose society he took so much delight, and who were styled la vielle garde. Madame de Berenger has always been supposed to be much attached to the cause of Bonaparte.
A circumstance has occurred here, which, though of evil influence for the present, may possibly, by tending to open the mind of the King to the false principles on which his laws of libel are founded, operate some future good. In my despatch of the 5th December, 1817,1 sent you two libellous pamphlets containing the petitions of Messieurs Cauchois le Maire and Guyet, who had been banished hence by the King for their endeavours to poison the public mind. The printer of these, named Walley, who had then recently been set up at the Hague with complete printing-presses, &c, by the disaffected, was imprisoned for printing these libels, and has been confined ever since, with a view to being brought to trial. Latterly, however, such is the excellence of the police of this kingdom, that M. Cauchois le Maire, although banished, found his way to Antwerp, and there, about a month since, declared, in all due form, before a Notary of that place, that he alone was the author, and he alone ought to be considered as responsible for these pamphlets. The cause of M. Walley came on here on Wednesday last, when, in consequence of this declaration, seven judges against five were of opinion that there existed no ground of charge against the printer!
This judgment has filled the Minister of Justice here with dismay, and, I should hope, will operate the good effect with the King to induce the adoption by his Majesty of some better principles on which to found his laws of libel than those he has hitherto adopted. The amendment, however, whenever introduced, will now be late: much evil has been done; in fact, the disaffected have completely triumphed over the Allies in one respect, inasmuch as, instead of the public opinion being improved during the continuation of the Army of Occupation in France, it will be found to have been extensively deteriorated during that period, and this through the active and persevering efforts of those whose influence is incompatible with the tranquillity of Europe.
Yours, my dear lord, most sincerely, Clancarty.
Count Miinster to Lord Castlereagh.
Grosvenor Place, March 23, 1818. My dear Lord—I have the honour to return herewith, with many thanks, Mr. Lamb's despatches relating to the conduct of the Austrian Cabinet concerning the question of represen
tative governments in Germany, and to the claims of the Jews in Frankfort.
As to the first point, Mr. Lamb's observation is unfortunately too well founded. Prince Metternich has communicated to me, through C[ount] Hardenberg, his despatch to B[aron] Rhubia at Munich, and has endeavoured to explain his deviation from the principles he has publicly professed in other instances, by stating that he had intended to induce Bavaria to a more cordial support of the union.
Hardenberg observes that Metternich, on the question of a representative system, has himself a great opposition to conquer at home. I am sorry to say that the principles he had agreed upon with M. Jurdan, at their recent interview at Vienna, are more in the sense of the despatch intended for the Court of Bavaria, than of the sounder principles expressed in the other, directed to Count Buol Schauenstein. The Prussian vote on this subject having proved afterwards to turn out as could have been wished, the letter of Prince Metternich to
H (but too well known in Germany) has produced a very
unfavourable impression, which is still increased by the alterations Metternich has been induced to admit into the plan for the military organization of the confederacy.
As to Mr. Lamb's Note respecting the Jews, I should be wanting in sincerity if I did not avow that I regret its having been delivered; for, in my humble opinion, the principle on which the Note is founded cannot be maintained, and I cannot convince myself that the mere circumstance of the matter having been mentioned in the Act of the Congress of Vienna could warrant the interference of foreign Powers, after the question has been actually brought before the Germanic Diet. This is, as Martens informs me, in a letter dated the 8th March, the impression produced at Frankfort. Of course a civil answer has been given to the Note.
I have the honour to be, &c, Munster.
Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.
The Hague, March 24, 1818.
My dear Lord—Several changes have, within these two days, taken place in the Administration of this country, the object of which is partially to obtain greater efficiency, but principally to produce economical savings to the public purse. With this latter view, two departments, as substantive departments in themselves, are suppressed, and their functions consigned to others. These are, first, the Ministry of Police for the southern provinces, the duties of which are hereafter to be discharged by the Procureur-General at Bruxelles, under the superintendence of the Minister of Justice; secondly, the Ministry of Public Instruction and Worship—the functions of this department, as far as relate to Public Instruction, are in future to be annexed to the department of the Colonies, and that part of them relating to the Protestant clergy are hereafter to be discharged by the Director-General of the Posts.
It must be confessed there appears something fanciful in the arrangement for the future performance of some of these duties; they have, however, been so appropriated as, I understand, not as having any coincidence with the departments to which they are now annexed, but because these departments are more open to the performance of new and increased duties.
M. le Oomte de Thiennes, who filled the first of these now abolished departments, and M. de Ripelaer, who filled the latter, are both to retain the rank of Minister, and also to receive their former salaries. How the States-General may relish this latter part of the arrangement will hereafter be proved: economy will, however, upon the whole, result from the measure, by putting down the far greater part of two great establishments and the two great houses hired for their accommodation.
M. de Falck, late Secretary of State, is now transferred to