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endeavours to poison the public mind. The printer of these, named Walley, who had then recently been set up at the Hague with complete printing-presses, &c., by the disaffected, was imprisoned for printing these libels, and has been confined ever since, with a view to being brought to trial. Latterly, however, such is the excellence of the police of this kingdom, that M. Cauchois le Maire, although banished, found his way to Antwerp, and there, about a month since, declared, in all due form, before a Notary of that place, that he alone was the author, and he alone ought to be considered as responsible for these pamphlets. The cause of M. Walley came on here on Wednesday last, when, in consequence of this declaration, seven judges against five were of opinion that there existed no ground of charge against the printer !
This judgment has filled the Minister of Justice here with dismay, and, I should hope, will operate the good effect with the King to induce the adoption by his Majesty of some better principles on which to found his laws of libel than those he has hitherto adopted. The amendment, however, whenever introduced, will now be late : much evil has been done; in fact, the disaffected have completely triumphed over the Allies in one respect, inasmuch as, instead of the public opinion being improved during the continuation of the Army of Occupation in France, it will be found to have been extensively deteriorated during that period, and this through the active and persevering efforts of those whose influence is incompatible with the tranquillity of Europe.
Yours, my dear lord, most sincerely, CLANCARTY.
Count Münster to Lord Castlereagh.
Grosvenor Place, March 23, 1818. My dear Lord—I have the honour to return herewith, with many thanks, Mr. Lamb's despatches relating to the conduct of the Austrian Cabinet concerning the question of represen
tative governments in Germany, and to the claims of the Jews in Frankfort. As to the first point, Mr. Lamb's observation is unfortunately too well founded. Prince Metternich has communicated to me, through C[ount] Hardenberg, his despatch to Baron] Rhubia at Munich, and has endeavoured to explain his deviation from the principles he has publicly professed in other instances, by stating that he had intended to induce Bavaria to a more cordial support of the union. Hardenberg observes that Metternich, on the question of a representative system, has himself a great opposition to conquer at home. I am sorry to say that the principles he had agreed upon with M. Jurdan, at their recent interview at Vienna, are more in the sense of the despatch intended for the Court of Bavaria, than of the sounder principles expressed in the other, directed to Count Buol Schauenstein. The Prussian vote on this subject having proved afterwards to turn out as could have been wished, the letter of Prince Metternich to H (but too well known in Germany) has produced a very unfavourable impression, which is still increased by the alterations Metternich has been induced to admit into the plan for the military organization of the confederacy. As to Mr. Lamb's Note respecting the Jews, I should be wanting in sincerity if I did not avow that I regret its having been delivered; for, in my humble opinion, the principle on which the Note is founded cannot be maintained, and I cannot convince myself that the mere circumstance of the matter having been mentioned in the Act of the Congress of Vienna could warrant the interference of foreign Powers, after the question has been actually brought before the Germanic Diet. This is, as Martens informs me, in a letter dated the 8th March, the impression produced at Frankfort. Of course a civil answer has been given to the Note. I have the honour to be, &c., MüNSTER.
Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.
The Hague, March 24, 1818. My dear Lord-Several changes have, within these two days, taken place in the Administration of this country, the object of which is partially to obtain greater efficiency, but principally to produce economical savings to the public purse. With this latter view, two departments, as substantive departments in themselves, are suppressed, and their functions consigned to others. These are, first, the Ministry of Police for the southern provinces, the duties of which are hereafter to be discharged by the Procureur-General at Bruxelles, under the superintendence of the Minister of Justice; secondly, the Ministry of Public Instruction and Worship—the functions of this department, as far as relate to Public Instruction, are in future to be annexed to the department of the Colonies, and that part of them relating to the Protestant clergy are hereafter to be discharged by the Director-General of the Posts.
It must be confessed there appears something fanciful in the arrangement for the future performance of some of these duties; they have, however, been so appropriated as, I understand, not as having any coincidence with the departments to which they are now annexed, but because these departments are more open to the performance of new and increased duties.
M. le Comte de Thiennes, who filled the first of these now abolished departments, and M. de Ripelaer, who filled the latter, are both to retain the rank of Minister, and also to receive their former salaries. How the States-General may relish this latter part of the arrangement will hereafter be proved: economy will, however, upon the whole, result from the measure, by putting down the far greater part of two great establishments and the two great houses hired for their accommodation.
M. de Falck, late Secretary of State, is now transferred to
the Ministry of Commerce and the Colonies, increased further in its duties by the annexation of those relating to Public Instruction, as above stated; and to replace him, M. de May, the King's private secretary, without any additional salary, has been raised to the rank of Conseiller d'État, faisant les fonctions de Secrétaire Géneral d'État.
In addition to the above, the resignation of M. Mercy d'Argenteau, as Governor of South Brabant, has been accepted, and he is to be succeeded in this office by the Comte d'Arschott. Abstracted from the economical object, some of these arrangements may be pronounced to be good, while others may be considered of doubtful advantage.
Though M. le Comte de Thiennes is a man of talent, good principles, and zeal, yet such was the composition of his Office, such the suspected disaffection of his inferior agents, and particularly of the Secretary, in whom he placed too much confidence, that little real benefit, and at critical times much detriment, was reaped by the public from this department. These persons will now be either pensioned off on small pensions, or employed where they can do no mischief; while, with some little additional assistance, it is hoped that the zeal of the ProcureurGeneral will enable him to render the Police of the Southern Provinces an efficient aid to the march of Government.
The placing the Public Instruction under the superintendence of the new Minister of Commerce and the Colonies, is a measure the benefit of which may be doubted. Not so the removal of M. Merey d'Argentcau from the Government of South Brabant-a person little qualified to serve in any efficient office; while it may reasonably become a question whether the choice of M. d'Arschott as his successor was exactly the best that could have been formed.
The Court go to Amsterdam on Thursday: hitherto, no invitation has been announced to the corps diplomatique to accompany them: should none be sent, as now appears likely) I shall remain at the Hague. VOL. XI,
We hear pretty regularly from Paris respecting the proceedings for the detection of the assassination plot. M. de Cazes is in direct correspondence with the Procureur-General at Bruxelles on this subject, and the latter, under the direction of the Minister of Justice here, is, and zealously, exerting himself to the utmost to co-operate with the French Police on this subject. Through the means of this correspondence, we have received a copy of Cantillon's examination in full, which, coupled with extracts from that of La Demoiselle Fremont and her companion, conveyed by the same means and in letters to La Tour du Pin from M. de Cazes, and from the Duke of Wellington to me, renders it, in my mind, morally certain that this Cantillon was the person who actually fired the shot. By continuing to act, as has hitherto been the case, entirely in the sense of M. de Cazes, I have some hopes that the exertions of the Procureur-General at Bruxelles may now prove suecessful in aiding to discover the authors, and ultimately to supply legal proofs against those concerned in the late atrocious attempt.
M. de la Tour du Pin has, after consulting with the Minister of Justice and me, sent M. de Caux, his Secretary of Legation, to Bruxelles, for the purpose of aiding the Procureur-General as a special Secretary in this business, and also further to facilitate the correspondence with M. de Cazes.
Yours, my dear Lord, &c., CLANCARTY.
[Endorsed—“ In Lord Clancarty's Private of March 31, 1818.")
Paris, March 24, 1818. My dear Clancarty-I have already informed you that the Government and Police here are loud in their complaints of the Government and police of the Netherlands, for their want of activity and energy in the investigation of the circumstances attending the attempt against me, particularly since the discovery of Cantillon; and the Due de Richelieu, who writes