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had been opened by summary process, and anything of consequence found among them, it would have been open to the accused to have alleged—and, in a corrupt country, the proof of such allegation might not have been difficult—that such and such particular papers formed no part of his, but were placed among them by his accusers. The procuration obviates such an attempt, and occasions no risk or inconvenience but that of a short delay, as, during the whole time of its being sought, the papers were under seal.
I know not whether with sufficient reason, but it is much regretted here that the inquiry at Paris has not been rendered judicial: it is urged in support of this, that the interrogatory of Cantillon, and all others that have been taken by the Police, are, with reference to any future trial, but so much waste paper; that they cannot be given in evidence; and that Cantillon, Lord K , Marinet, &c, may deny every word that
they have formerly deposed, when interrogated anew in any judicial proceeding.
I had forgot to state that, after our return yesterday from M. de Nagell's, I spoke in strong terms to La Tour du Pin of the conduct of his Government in the issue of such imperfect instructions to him as those under which he had just been acting, and I hope he will express the same to the Due de Richelieu. While writing the above, I have seen M. de Nagell, who tells me he has received a most favourable answer from the King to his letter, conveying M. de la Tour du Pin's note; that this is now in the hands of the Minister of Justice, and, when returned, he shall frame a note to the French Minister upon it; he, I know, will wait for this, in order to convey a copy of it by this courier, so that M. de Richelieu will put you in possession of its contents.
Adieu! I am afraid you will be tired of reading, I am thoroughly of writing, this letter.
Yours, &c, Clancarty.
Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.
The Hague, April 3, 1818.
My dear Lord—Your private letter, with the copy of that marked Private and Confidential, to Lord Cathcart, both bearing date the 27th of March, were received by me early on the morning of the 1st, by messenger Robinson, who was on the same day, at two o'clock, P.m., despatched forward on his way to St. Petersburg.
In a private conference had yesterday with the King for this purpose, I opened to him the substance of the letter to Lord Cathcart, directing his attention principally to the necessity of considering the means of effectually guarding against the apprehension of any sudden attack from France, in the event of the Occupation armies of the Allies being withdrawn from that country, and under the not improbable supposition of the boiling spirit of French profligacy and disaffection venting itself in war, or being directed for evaporation to the invasion of neighbouring territories.
I requested the King to advert to the state and composition of his military means, the still incomplete state of his fortifications, and begged him to weigh well the consequences of a sudden attack to him particularly, as occupying the honourable but dangerous position of the advanced post of Europe, and the means by which any apprehension from such an attack could be best obviated; stating that he could not be ignorant of the interest which the Prince Regent must necessarily take upon this subject, or of the sincere friendship which dictated this communication; and that I was perfectly sure his Majesty would sensibly feel the same, and be disposed, in the same spirit of confidence in which this communication was made, to make known to his Royal Highness, through his Ambassador at this Court, fully and without reserve, whatever reflections or conclusions might occur to his Majesty thereon.
In short, I went through the whole of what you had taught me to say in this occasion, cautiously avoiding, however, in the first instance, (as well knowing the King's sentiments upon the subject) the mention of introducing foreign troops into his kingdom. In going over the letter, however, the allusion to a system of the barrier description immediately struck him, and he said that, if this was to bring about the introduction of foreign troops into his garrisons or kingdom, he could never admit it, making use of these words: "II faut que mes sujets mangent et qu'ils ne soient pas mangés." Certain that the present confirmation of the idea in the King's mind that such was the object in view would work more evil than good, without pretending to observe what was said, I proceeded to the further parts of the letter, and have subsequently, in strict confidence, furnished him with a copy of it. The King took the communication with all the kindness which I could have expected, and assured me he would well consider the matter, with the view to which his attention had been principally directed, and should have pleasure in fully and confidentially communicating his sentiments to the Prince Regent upon it through me.
I fear it will be a difficult matter to bring his Majesty to the admission of foreign troops; but if the proposal should be for the admission of Prussian troops, I should hold the object of impossible attainment, with the consent either of the King or of his people. One of three things must, however, be done: either all the nations of Europe must consent to a proportionate and reasonable reduction of their armies; or this King must raise his to a number sufficient to withstand the first efforts of any sudden attack from France; or his Majesty must be brought to the admission of foreign troops for a time, at least, into his territories. How far the first may be practicable it is impossible for me to say. Though something further might perhaps be done upon the second, yet, to the extent pressed by the Duke of Wellington of fifty thousand regular infantry, as a peace establishment, with the finances of this country, and under the system of voluntary enrolment established in it, I should hold the matter absolutely impossible. Upon the third, if the troops to be proposed should not be Prussian, and arrangements shall be made for placing them in reasonable dependence upon the King, though the object would still be most difficult, I should not utterly despair of its accomplishment.
It was at this conference with the King, at which the pending matter of the Slave Trade Treaty was touched upon, as noticed in my despatch of this date, No. 24, the King manifestly seemed embarrassed on the subject, and as if labouring to say something to qualify his former assurances. He did not, however, produce anything further than that constitutional difficulties had been started, which he was bound to consider and avoid, and ended by apologizing for the time which had been occupied, stating that I knew the Dutch well enough to have observed that they were slow in their proceedings, and must therefore excuse it as part of their nature. I cannot, however, say that I am quite easy upon this point, or can well predict the line either the King or his Ministers will now adopt upon it. They certainly appear to me to feel that his Majesty has committed himself upon it; and I hardly think they will again venture to controvert this fact—indeed, Nagell's reluctance to answer my note of the 1st pretty well proves this—but then the details are open to them, and if they are now really averse to enter into this treaty, they may in the negociation so clog these, and raise such difficulties to the adoption by them of any precautionary measures which may be discussed respecting the right of search, as to render assent to the principle nugatory. On Tuesday, I hope to be able to furnish you with more light upon this subject than it is within my power at present to convey.
Yours, my dear lord, &c, Clancarty.
Mr. C. Bagot to Lord Castlereagh.
Washington, April 7, 1818.
My dear Lord—You will receive by this mail a despatch from me respecting the Fisheries, in which I refer to a conversation which I had had upon the subject with Mr. Adams, when I communicated to him the orders which Sir David Milne proposed to give to the ships under his command, in regard to the American vessels found fishing upon our coast during the present season. I have thought it better not to mention in this despatch, but to reserve for a private letter, some part of the conversation which then passed between us, and which was not a little remarkable.
I met Mr. Adams accidentally in the street, and when I told him of the letter which I had received from Sir David Milne, he showed some surprise, but certainly no irritation. In the course, however, of our conversation, which lasted about ten minutes, he said, not with a tone of anger, but with the ordinary tone of earnestness with which he usually speaks upon business, that, after all, "he believed that they should have to fight about it, and that his opinion was, that they ought to do so."
I deprecated in some common-place phrase a resort to such an extremity, when he proceeded to say that, "holding as he did the right of participation in the United States to be unequivocal, undeniable, and absolute, it was a matter only to be settled by agreement or by force; and, all arrangement by assignment of coast being out of the question, he did not see distinctly what proposition of arrangement could be made, which would promise a satisfactory result.''
He then said that " we could have no right to seize their .ships; that all the lawyers in England with whom he had spoken upon the subject were of that opinion; that our own judge had last year released the vessels which had been captured by the Dee, and that, without an Act of Parliament for