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not allow, even in a confidential conversation, his observation with respect to the Duke of Wellington to pass without serious notice that the Duke of Wellington had, neither in this nor in any other case, acted contrary to his judgmentthat, if the demands of Spain were deemed inadmissible by Portugal, it was the duty of a mediator to endeavour, as the Duke of Wellington had done, to bring matters to an accommodation by mutual concession—that if, however, the Spanish Government were dissatisfied with the conduct of the Duke of Wellington, I would engage for his abstaining in future from taking any concern in their affairs. This drew a sort of explanation from M. de Pizarro, to the purport that he had expressed his sentiments to me in confidence; but that what he had stated was not to be considered as reflecting upon the conduct of any of the persons alluded to. In the course of the conversation, he insinuated that there had been an intrigue here and at Paris for the purpose of removing him from office, which had failed. I do not state all this with a view of recommending that any step should be taken in consequence ; but your lordship will easily understand how difficult it is, even in the most ordinary transactions, to deal with a Minister of a temper so hasty and unguarded.

With respect to a connexion between Spain and Russia, as adverted to in Sir Charles Stuart's despatch to your lordship of the 11th May, I have frequently apprised your lordship of its unpopularity in the country. The state of the squadron has contributed to increase this feeling, and the disappointment of the hopes arising from the promises of Russia has completely opened the eyes of this Government as to the little to be expected from that Court. M. de Tatischeft's conferences with the King are less frequent than formerly; and, although his Majesty's behaviour in public is the same, it is easy to perceive that his influence is on the decline. For some time after his return from Cadiz, he appeared to be less intimate than usual with M. de Pizarro; but of late their conferences have been more frequent; and I should rather judge that M. de Pizarro is of opinion that the Russian Minister has still sufficient influence with the King to make his friendship worth preserving.

It is difficult to believe that M. de Pizarro was entirely ignorant of the negociation which terminated in the purchase of the Russian squadron, although I have reason to believe that it was not carried on in his office. It is certain, however, that, in September last, when the Russian Minister went to the Escurial to announce the sailing of the squadron from Revel, M. de Pizarro approved the purchase, and took upon himself to announce it to the corps diplomatique, insisting that the Russian Minister should proceed to Cadiz, without communicating the motive of his journey to his colleagues. He afterwards spoke of the acquisition of this squadron as being highly advantageous to Spain.

In justice to M. de Tatischeff, I cannot but add that he is using every effort to induce this Government to listen to reasonable terms of accommodation with Portugal. He has to-day had a conference with M. de Pizarro upon the subject, and, as the resolutions of this Government are not always to be depended upon, it is not impossible that he may have had better success to-day than I had last night. I asked M. de Pizarro last night whether the negociations between Spain and the United States of America had been removed to Madrid, and he assured me that they had not.

I have the honour to be, &c., H. WELLESLEY. I omitted to mention that M. Garay and M. de Tatischeff are upon bad terms, and I have no doubt that each would do everything in his power to destroy the influence of the other.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, June 23, 1818. My dear Lord-Finding no answer yet returned to my official Note of the 7th of May, relative to the appointment of a Commissary on each side for the adjustment of the account for arms and clothing furnished by Great Britain to this country in 1814, I have thought it necessary again to mention the subject to M. de Nagell, who tells me that an official answer shall be sent me at an early date upon this subject.

I can easily conceive that this matter has considerably embarrassed them; Istly, because they had nursed the idea that these stores were advanced as a contribution by Great Britain to the common cause; and 2ndly, from the circumstance of their Budget accounts for this and the next year having been passed, and the States-General actually prorogued prior to my having received final orders to press this matter. I cannot, from any conversation with M. de Nagell or others, form a guess at what the nature of the official answer under the above circumstances is likely to prove. We must therefore wait its receipt.

A determination has been taken in the Prince's family, which, though it would perhaps be too much to say it, had reopened the breach so recently closed between him and his father, has nevertheless very much discomposed the King. All things had been settled for the Princess's accouchement here at the beginning of the ensuing month, when his Majesty had arranged that the whole Court should reassemble at this residence. Besides the propriety, if not necessity, of the presence of several of the branches of the royal family, and perhaps of others, on an event of this nature, at the christening and other ceremonies, it was hoped that the birth of one of his children at the Hague, and the advantage which the place itself would derive from the reunion of so many people, for a second portion of a year, would counteract the unpopularity which his Royal Highness's ill-concealed dislike to this residence had occasioned among its inhabitants and those of its neighbourhood.

The Princess has, however, resolved to lie-in at Zoosdyke, a country place of his Royal Highness's beyond Utrecht, where, though I understand the house is excellent for the Prince's family, there would be little accommodation for that of the King in addition to it; and where a small village, as it is stated to me, would afford but feeble aid for anything like the comfortable disposal of those who may be obliged to give attendance at the birth, christening, &c., of the child. Nevertheless, the Princess's determination is fixed, though it is far from being yet determined how his Majesty and the Queen are to be present on this occasion, or even whether they are to be present at all.

The Spanish Chargé d'Affaires here has presented an official note, which is probably circular to all the Ministers of that Government at foreign Courts, notifying that all foreigners taken in arms against their authority in their provinces in South America will be treated as native rebels.

M. de Nagell has written to M. the Baron de Fagel to know whether a similar note has not been passed by the Spanish Ambassador in London addressed to you, and what the nature of the answer given by you has been, with a view of following the same course. This has been done by direction of the King, not from any doubt of the right of the King of Spain, or from any desire to controvert it, but with a view of following the example you may adopt in notifying this determination to the subjects of Great Britain in giving similar notice thereof to the subjects of this country. I should hope you will therefore acquaint Fagel with your mode of proceeding in this matter, in order that this Government may adopt the

same.

Ever yours, my dear lord, &c.,

CLANCARTY.

Sir H. Wellesley to Lord Castlereagh.

Madrid, June 25, 1818. My dear Lord-I write a few lines to say that, since my private letter to your lordship of the 21st instant, I have learnt from M. Tatischeff that his endeavours to prevail upon M. de Pizarro to accede to Count Palmella's last proposals were not more successful than mine.

I understand, likewise, that the King has expressed his determination not to agree even to a temporary cession of territory.

I have the honour to be, &c., H. WELLESLEY.

Mr. C. Bagot to Lord Castlereagh.

Washington, June 29, 1818. My dear Lord—A few days ago, I had a conversation with Mr. Adams, which arose quite accidentally, upon the subject of the affairs of South America. Mr. Adams had received intelligence of the victory gained by San Martin over the royal arms in Chili, and which he seemed to consider as fatal to the royal cause in that province. This event led him into a discussion of some length upon the whole question of the independence of the Spanish American provinces, and the measures likely to be taken by the European Powers in relation to that great contest.

In the course of his conversation, he said, rather in a tone of complaint, that he had been much disappointed at not having received from your lordship the communication which he had been encouraged to expect, of the course which the British Government proposed to take in this business; at the same time repeating to me that it was the earnest wish of the United States to proceed with them pari passu, and, if possible, in the closest concert. He seemed to say that the time was fast approaching when the American Government could no longer avoid taking some positive line, and that, in the meanwhile, they were forced to collect piecemeal, and, as they could, a knowledge of the policy of the European Powers, although it was by that that they wished to regulate their own.

I ventured to assure Mr. Adams that your lordship had by no means forgotten to make the communication to which he

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