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alluded, and that it had only been delayed by a desire to make it as perfect as possible. Mr. Adams then said that he had already obtained from different quarters some documents which had a very important relation to the question, and which were in themselves of considerable interest to him; and he mentioned a note to your lordship from Mr. Rivadavia, the Deputy in London from the United Provinces of La Plata, and the answer sent from St. Petersburgh to a note addressed by your lordship upon the subject to the Court of Russia, of both which papers he was in possession of copies.

Mr. Adams appears to be of opinion that, in the state to which the matter is now brought, no interference of the European Powers will be attended with a favourable result which does not urge upon the Court of Spain the propriety of giving, in the first instance, unconditional independence to the colonies of the southern continent of America; and I believe that he has written in this sense both to M. Gallatin and to Mr. Rush: but your lordship is no doubt perfectly acquainted with all his sentiments upon this subject; and the only object of this letter is to mention that I think I observe some soreness on his part in not having yet received the communication which he professes to expect with so much anxiety.

The Commissioners from this Government to South America are expected to return here in the course of a week or ten days. The Congress frigate was to leave Buenos Ayres early in May.

I have the honour to be, &c.,

CHARLES BAGOT.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, July 7, 1818.

My dear Lord-There has been some sensation created among the Government here, in consequence of the receipt of intelligence from Surinam and Curaçoa of the capture of certain of their ships by those of the insurgents in South America, under what is styled the independent flag; and this is

not the less felt from the difficulty in which they find themselves of the course which it would be best for them to pursue on this occasion.

The captures thus made by the insurgents are looked upon, and naturally, as a speculation with a double aspect: on the one hand, if no notice shall be taken of spoliations of this sort, the captors derive advantage to the amount of the value seized, subject to little inconvenience or expense to themselves; on the other, if remonstrance shall be made, such remonstrance is, in effect, a kind of acknowledgment of their power.

Note, the Government here are not inclined either to submit to this plunder of their subjects, or being thus compelled to the acknowledgment of a Power unacknowledged by the other States of Europe, and which would place this kingdom in a state of opposition with that of Spain; while they are, at the same time, considerably disinclined to pursue the insurgents as pirates at sea, and thus expose themselves to all the horrors and inconvenience of such a state of warfare.

I have been spoken to by Nagell upon this subject, with the professed view of learning and subsequently adapting their course to that which we may pursue on this matter; and, as I was unable to afford him the information he required, I think it probable that a private instruction will go by this post to their Ambassador in London, suggesting the likelihood of similar captures having been made of British ships by the South American insurgents, and with directions to learn from you the line which the Government of Great Britain may conceive it for her interest to adopt to avert the repetition of this sort of plunder, in order that this Government may follow the

same course.

The King is to be here on the 10th instant: his stay will probably not be for many days, as it seems to be finally decided that the Princess is to lie-in at Zoosdyke. It is believed, therefore, that he will return to the Loo till the christening,

about the middle of August. His stay at the Hague is not even then likely to be prolonged many days beyond his birthday, on the 25th of that month; after which, as was the case last year, the corps diplomatique will, in all probability, be acquainted with his Majesty's wishes that they should act according to their own good pleasure till the second Monday in October, when the session of the States-General will be opened at Bruxelles. Farewell.

Yours, my dear lord, &c.,

CLANCARTY.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, July 10, 1818.

My dear Lord-The King, Queen, &c., arrived here the day before yesterday. The Queen goes to Zoosdyke on Saturday, there to remain till after the Princess's delivery. She then returns here, where, as now settled, his Majesty means to remain till the christening; and then the royal family will return to the Loo, where it is supposed she will continue some time, notwithstanding the occurrence of the King's birthday on the 25th of August.

You will recollect the Paper delivered to me by the King, on his view of the measures to be taken in the event of the evacuation of France by the Allied troops, a copy of which I sent you in my private letter of the 28th of April last. You are aware that no further proceeding has or could have been taken by me in consequence of this communication of the King's opinions on this subject. If those of our Government are similar to those of his Majesty, things will properly rest as they are; but, if the line of policy which the Prince Regent's Council are likely to adopt should differ from that preferred by this Court, I should take the liberty of suggesting the propriety of affording to me the means by which I may be enabled to endeavour, at least, to draw this King's mind to our view of this subject, at an early period. You know the soil, that it is not always easy, sometimes requiring much con

tinued cultivation, and the difficulty there may be, if opinions are suffered to take strong root within it, of afterwards eradicating them. Enough of this-and, happily for you, I have nothing more to trouble you with.

Ever, my dear lord, &c.,

CLANCARTY.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, July 17, 1818.

My dear Lord-My despatches by the last and present mail will put you in possession of the official state of the case upon the Bouillon indemnities. But there is more, and, unless I am grossly deceived, much more, in this case than has been intended by Prince Charles de Rohan to meet the eye. From the first, he has been taken up by the Austrian Minister here, has latterly been seconded by that of Prussia at this Court; and these are now strongly aided by the Ministers of the same Courts at Paris.

It may not now be necessary, or even perhaps proper, to refer to the manner in which this Prince, with what it is conceived by many was far from a clear title, was favoured by the award of the Commissioners at Leipsic. But in the negociations which followed at Bruxelles, during the last year, on the amount and nature of the indemnities, it was impossible to be blind to the arts actively used, to gain and confirm proselytes in his favour, on the part of the Prince de Rohan. I have reason to know that an attempt at bribery was made, and this in the highest quarter, viz., on M. de Nagell himself, by those who, though not direct agents of Prince Charles, made use both of his name and that of M. de Fitte, his negociator, as the persons from whom the remuneration was to proceed.

It is also to be observed that, if the information which has reached me is correct, and I see no reason to doubt it, this M. de Fitte is to be paid for his agency by no less a reward than twenty-five per cent. upon what shall be recovered-a proportion obviously far too great for the remuneration of any fair

man in a fair transaction, and which, in a case (as this is) of very little difficulty, or completely under the Act of Congress, would, if there were none other, give strong grounds for legitimate suspicion that it was intended by other means to seek for much more, on the score of indemnity, than was contemplated by the Treaty of Vienna, under the most liberal construction of its 69th Article, or could be warranted by the rules of justice and equity. I mention these circumstances to show the necessity of care in the selection of the arbitrator, and that, unless the reference shall be placed beyond the reach of intrigue and improper attempts, an equitable result is more than doubtful.

This Prince Charles de Rohan and his family are entitled to a liberal calculation of all the indemnities reserved to them under the Act of Congress, and, in the event of doubtful construction, as the weaker party, a favourable decision should incline rather to his than to the opposite side. To this extent, this Court aver that, pending the negociations, they uniformly showed their disposition, and would be still inclined to go; but beyond it they state themselves to be unable to travel, consistently with their duty towards their own people.

M. de la Tour du Pin mentioned to me, the other day, the wish of his (the French) Court that, upon the evacuation of France by the Allies, our troops should retire upon, march through, and embark at a port in the Netherlands, instead of passing through and embarking at a French port.

We hourly expect the account of the Princess of Orange's delivery from Zoosdyke.

Ever, my dear lord, &c.,

CLANCARTY.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

The Hague, July 21, 1818.

My dear Lord-Having mentioned, in a private letter to the Duke of Wellington, the fact of the French Minister here having in private conversation mentioned to me the wish of

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