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was inserted in the Order in Council, as is usual on such occasions as a trustee, but it never could be considered that this constituted him as agent. I conclude that you are aware that Lord William Bentinck has no command or public character whatever in Italy. It would be impossible to put .him on the staff now in France or Flanders, without putting him over the head of Lord Hill, and I believe Lord Combermere, and of several other officers, who would naturally conclude that they had superior claims, after all that had passed, to commands in that army. I am not insensible, however, to the importance of inducing Lord William Bentinck, if possible, to retire quietly out of Italy.

I hope, if it is intended to leave the British force in the neighbourhood of Paris during the winter, as I can easily understand may be necessary, that there will be left at the same time some proportion of Prussian troops, and, if practicable, some proportion likewise of the other Allied corps.

I feel confident that the Duke of Wellington will take every due precaution to secure the force in question against any possible accident by surprise, and that you will insist on the same principle of precaution being extended to his own person. We ought never to lose sight for a moment of the consideration that, with whatever humanity and indulgence the French may have been treated by us, they hate us far more than any other nation, and that they would most willingly embark in any project for the destruction of the force which has saved them, if they only thought that it was likely to prove successful.

The arrangement for distributing the contribution to be paid by France appears to me to be as good as could have been devised, with the exception only of the sum which it is agreed should be given to Portugal. This sum is indeed inconsiderable in amount; but, however small, I do not conceive that Portugal is in any way entitled to it—the Regency of that country being the only Government in Europe which actually refused to co-operate not merely by their unwillingness to comply with the requisition of the Duke of Wellington, but even by declining to lend any part of their force for the other objects which were afterwards proposed to them. I wish to suggest to you whether the engagement respecting the abolition of the Slave Trade should not be inserted in the general treaty. If this should meet with difficulties, it ought at least to form a part of the Convention by which Guadaloupe and the Saintes are to be restored to France; but I should think it much more desirable, on every account, that it should constitute a provision in the treaty to which all the Powers of Europe will be parties.

Believe me to be, &c, LIVERPOOL.

Lord Bathurst to Lord Liverpool.

Downing Street, October 19, 1815.

Dear Liverpool—I circulated the two despatches to Lord Sidmouth and to Vansittart. The messenger has carried them also to Pole, but he has unluckily gone to Staines; I have therefore neither received his answer nor the despatches. Lord Sidmouth and Vansittart were at Carlton House to-day; and, on talking over the despatches with them, I find we agree in approving the arrangement respecting the contributions. It does not appear to hazard their ultimate payment; and, on many accounts, it is advisable that the payment should -be made as practicable as possible, provided it creates such a pressure on the resources of France as to give to Europe a reasonable prospect of permanent peace.

It is very desirable that the fortresses to be occupied, under the treaty, by the Allies, should be delivered up to us before any considerable portion of the Allied forces are withdrawn. This, it is presumed, will be provided for in the arrangements referred to in the Postscript of No. —.

You may convey our approbation to Lord Castleresigh of the projet of alliance. We are all, however, of opinion that it is natural that the words, Souverain legitime, in Article —, should be altered. As these words have been often canvassed in Cabinet, you can explain to Lord Castlereagh the objections to them. "Louis XVIII., ou les heritiers, et successeurs a Sa Majesty Tres Chretienne,'' would do better.

The conclusion of the — Article appears to me to contain a permanent engagement to maintain the reigning family on the throne. We are afraid lest this may create some difficulty in Parliament, and that, in order to reconcile those who object to so unlimited a period, the engagement itself will be so explained away in debate as to mean too little, even at its outset, when it is most material that the French nation should be impressed with the conviction that it is positive and efficient.

We very much approve of the powers proposed to be given to the Duke of Wellington, and of the manner in which he is to carry on his communications with the French Government.

If the Allies think it necessary that an admonition should be given to Louis XVIII., it is very desirable that it should be verbal and very confidential. The knowledge of it would give great countenance to the reports circulated in France to the prejudice of the present Government; and, if it be in writing, the document may be produced in Parliament; and it will be impossible so to frame it as to be satisfactory to the very discordant opinions in this country on the system which the King of France ought to adopt.

I had nearly forgot to say, on the subject of the contributions, that Vansittart bids me suggest that, with respect to the annual excess of 20,000,000 in the expense of the army, beyond the 130,000,000 to be provided by France in the first instance, he thinks it should be provided for by retaining an equal amount from the general contribution previous to any division, so as to leave the ultimate deficiency to be made good by France on the war contribution, and not on the military expense. By this means we shall avoid the necessity of making advances to the Allies, which it might be difficult afterwards to settle.

I am, yours very sincerely, Bathurst.

I send a messenger with this, and with order to proceed to Paris with your letter.

Lord Liverpool to Lord Castlereagh.

Walmer Castle, October 20, 1815.

My dear Castlereagh—As I received your despatches of the 16th at this place, and did not conceive that there was anything sufficiently new or important in them to render it necessary for me to go to London, I forwarded them to Bathurst, and desired him to let me know whether anything occurred to himself or our colleagues upon them.

I cannot do better than transmit to you the letter which I have just received from him. You will see that the arrangement respecting the contributions is entirely approved, subject only to a suggestion of Vansittart's.

The prqjet of alliance in substance meets all our ideas. Bathurst suggests two critical alterations, which I should conceive there could be no difficulty in adopting. As the term legitimate sovereign has been ever a subject of cavil in this country, since the origin of Whig and Tory, it is very desirable that it never should be used in the sense in which we mean to apply it to France, without the Crown heirs being connected with it.

I am not aware of any further observations with which it is necessary that I should trouble you, in order to enable you to bring the great work in which you are engaged to a conclusion. I will only, therefore, further call your attention to what is stated by Bathurst, that it appears to be a reasonable precaution that the occupation of the fortresses should take place previous to the evacuation of the French territory by that part of the Allied force which exceeds the contingent ajjreed to be left in it.

I will likewise again repeat that, if a foreign force is to remain in Paris or its neighbourhood, it is very desirable that it should be an Allied force, (in such proportions as the Duke of Wellington may judge expedient) and not exclusively a British force. This part of the arrangement will certainly be the subject of much controversy in Parliament. The justification of it will be much more easy, if it is considered as a general measure; and, in the event of any difficulties or unpleasant scenes arising out of so novel a circumstance as the presence of a force near the capital of such a country as France, it must be very desirable that most, if not all, the Allied Powers should be equally affected by them, and that they should not be confined to the British only.

I have brought this subject again under your consideration, from knowing that some of our most rational friends entertain an alarm upon it—I can name Charles Yorke—who highly approves every other part of the intended arrangement. Believe me to be, &c, Liverpool.

Lord Castlereagh to Lord Liverpool.

Paris, October 23, 1815.

My dear Lord—The extreme length of the General Treaty of Vienna, and of all the annexes, has rendered it extremely desirable that the ratification should be made in a form more concise than is usual. According to the common form, the whole Treaty, and every piece annexed to it, is set out at length, word for word, in the body of the Ratification. This, however, does not appear necessary in the present case, inasmuch as the Treaty of Vienna has been signed in eight originals, one of which is preserved in the archives of Vienna, and the other seven divided amongst the signing Powers. It is, therefore, very easy to give such a description of the Treaty in the Act of Ratification, as will designate with certitude the Treaty to be ratified.

An instrument of this nature has been prepared in the

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