it is natural that the words, Souverain légitime, in Article -, should be altered. As these words have been often canvassed in Cabinet, you can explain to Lord Castlereagh the objections to them. "Louis XVIII., ou les héritiers, et successeurs à Sa Majesté Très Chrétienne," would do better.

The conclusion of the Article appears to me to contain a permanent engagement to maintain the reigning family on the throne. We are afraid lest this may create some difficulty in Parliament, and that, in order to reconcile those who object to so unlimited a period, the engagement itself will be so explained away in debate as to mean too little, even at its outset, when it is most material that the French nation. should be impressed with the conviction that it is positive and efficient.

We very much approve of the powers proposed to be given to the Duke of Wellington, and of the manner in which he is to carry on his communications with the French Government.

If the Allies think it necessary that an admonition should be given to Louis XVIII., it is very desirable that it should be verbal and very confidential. The knowledge of it would give great countenance to the reports circulated in France to the prejudice of the present Government; and, if it be in writing, the document may be produced in Parliament; and it will be impossible so to frame it as to be satisfactory to the very discordant opinions in this country on the system which the King of France ought to adopt.

I had nearly forgot to say, on the subject of the contributions, that Vansittart bids me suggest that, with respect to the annual excess of 20,000,000 in the expense of the army, beyond the 130,000,000 to be provided by France in the first instance, he thinks it should be provided for by retaining an equal amount from the general contribution previous to any division. so as to leave the ultimate deficiency to be made good by France on the war contribution, and not on the military expense. By this means we shall avoid the necessity of

making advances to the Allies, which it might be difficult afterwards to settle.

I am, yours very sincerely,

BATHURST.

I send a messenger with this, and with order to proceed to Paris with your letter.

Lord Liverpool to Lord Castlereagh.

Walmer Castle, October 20, 1815. My dear Castlereagh-As I received your despatches of the 16th at this place, and did not conceive that there was anything sufficiently new or important in them to render it necessary for me to go to London, I forwarded them to Bathurst, and desired him to let me know whether anything occurred to himself or our colleagues upon them.

I cannot do better than transmit to you the letter which I have just received from him. You will see that the arrangement respecting the contributions is entirely approved, subject only to a suggestion of Vansittart's.

The projet of alliance in substance meets all our ideas. Bathurst suggests two critical alterations, which I should conceive there could be no difficulty in adopting. As the term legitimate sovereign has been ever a subject of cavil in this country, since the origin of Whig and Tory, it is very desirable that it never should be used in the sense in which we mean to apply it to France, without the Crown heirs being connected with it.

I am not aware of any further observations with which it is necessary that I should trouble you, in order to enable you to bring the great work in which you are engaged to a conclusion. I will only, therefore, further call your attention to what is stated by Bathurst, that it appears to be a reasonable precaution that the occupation of the fortresses should take place previous to the evacuation of the French territory by that part of the Allied force which exceeds the contingent agreed to be left in it.

I will likewise again repeat that, if a foreign force is to remain in Paris or its neighbourhood, it is very desirable that it should be an Allied force, (in such proportions as the Duke of Wellington may judge expedient) and not exclusively a British force. This part of the arrangement will certainly be the subject of much controversy in Parliament. The justification of it will be much more easy, if it is considered as a general measure; and, in the event of any difficulties or unpleasant scenes arising out of so novel a circumstance as the presence of a force near the capital of such a country as France, it must be very desirable that most, if not all, the Allied Powers should be equally affected by them, and that they should not be confined to the British only.

I have brought this subject again under your consideration, from knowing that some of our most rational friends entertain an alarm upon it-I can name Charles Yorke-who highly approves every other part of the intended arrangement. Believe me to be, &c., LIVERPOOL.

Lord Castlereagh to Lord Liverpool.

Paris, October 23, 1815.

My dear Lord-The extreme length of the General Treaty of Vienna, and of all the annexes, has rendered it extremely desirable that the ratification should be made in a form more concise than is usual. According to the common form, the whole Treaty, and every piece annexed to it, is set out at length, word for word, in the body of the Ratification. This, however, does not appear necessary in the present case, inasmuch as the Treaty of Vienna has been signed in eight originals, one of which is preserved in the archives of Vienna, and the other seven divided amongst the signing Powers. It is, therefore, very easy to give such a description of the Treaty in the Act of Ratification, as will designate with certitude the Treaty to be ratified.

An instrument of this nature has been prepared in the

Austrian Chancery, which I have shown to Sir Charles Robinson, who sees no objection to its form, and I enclose a copy to your lordship, in order that you may consult upon it with the Chancellor. If his lordship approves, it will be a matter of great convenience, and will enable us to have the Treaty ratified, so as to be ready for Parliament, which could not well be the case, if the Treaty at full length were to be set out in the ratification we are to give, as well as in those we are to receive in exchange.

If the Lord Chancellor should think it necessary that the Treaty, with its annexes, should formally be ratified under the Great Seal, the same may be done in a separate instrument; but I should hope the usual form may be dispensed with in the Act of Ratification to be exchanged with the signing Powers, and the draft adopted which I have enclosed. CASTLEREAGH.

[Enclosure.]

Projet de la Ratification de la Grande Bretagne et de l'Autriche.

À mettre en Latin. Nos Georgius, &c.

(A) N.B. Chaque Puissance ratifiante se mettra en première, et les six autres dans l'ordre alphabétique des Cours.

Nous George, &c.,

Les puissances qui avoient signé le traité de Paris du 30 Mai, 1814, s'étant réunies à Vienne, en conformité de l'article 32 de cet acte avec les Princes et États, leurs Alliés, pour compléter les dispositions de cette transaction, il a été conclu et signé en la ville de Vienne, le neuf Juin, de la présente année mil-huit-cent-quinze, entreLa Grande Bretagne; (A) L'Autriche; La France; Le Portugal; La Prusse;

La Russie; et

La Suède ;