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many instances of this kind were in the town; and that, under the Prussian Government, they paid taxes according to their fortune. I heard in Hanover the same complaint, and I found the military all over the kingdom very neglectful of inspecting passports; though, at that period, in May, 1815, it was very necessary, as, from the absence of the troops, many bad subjects may get into the kingdom. The inhabitants show everywhere a loyal attachment to his Majesty's Government, and hate the French.

We went through Hamburg to Copenhagen. I heard from good authority that, in the present Senate of Hamburg, there are still some persons who are attached to French principles: the inhabitants are strongly attached to the English, and if among them there exist some French partisans, they are only among the females of the gallant circles.

I never witnessed such false patriotism as in Denmark. As soon as we left Holstein, the Jacobin sentiments began, and invariably continued till we got again into Germany. The Danes hate not only the English but the Germans, and all other nations, except the French Jacobins, who are adored. I had the honour of visiting Mr. Foster, but was prevented by indisposition from accepting his invitation to a dinner which he gave on the 6th July to the corps diplomatique and the first Danish noblemen, on the glorious event of the battle of Waterloo. All the hotels of foreign Ministers were elegantly illuminated: the hotel of Mr. Foster was the most splendid: on the front were the Duke of Wellington and Prince Blucher crowning Louis XVIII., and above was La belle Alliance. At nine o'clock, after some toasts had been given, Mrs. Foster retired to her apartment: the crowd before the house was then very great, and she distinctly heard cries of "Vive l'Empereur!—vive Napoleon!" Soon after, some stones were thrown at the windows where she was, and at the porter's lodge—three pares were broken, and the painting of the Duke of Wellington torn. The gendarmes immediately arrested four of those persons—two students, one officer, and one soldier; the crowd then disappeared. The inhabitants exaggerated this incident, stating that it was a tumultuous riot, and that all the windows of Mr. Foster were broken.

It was understood at Copenhagen that the King had been advised by his Ministers to give up his alliance with France; but he persisted in not doing so, and said he had promised, and would not depart from it. They generally acknowledged that, had England not taken their fleet, many of their ships would have been sold to the French, and the greatest part of their fleet given to them, until a general peace was signed. Many Danish sailors were sent to Antwerp to man the French ships. Little is thought of the Queen and Crown Prince. The country is very poor, and the army badly equipped, and of French sentiments.

I passed the Great Belt with forty-eight officers of different ranks, going to the army with their contingent. I conversed with almost all, and found that one sentiment of Jacobinism prevailed; they were all attached to the late usurper of France.

We went from Copenhagen, through Bremen, to Minister and Westphalia, and found that the inhabitants hate those French who destroyed the peace of Europe, and were strongly attached to the English Government.

We went through Utrecht to the Hague and other parts of Holland. I found the Dutch Government attached to England, and English travellers are here much respected; but, among the inhabitants, particularly of the Netherlands, the French have many partisans. I had the honour of visiting Mr. James, and brought over despatches from him to the Foreign Office, Downing Street.

We were obliged in a heavy gale, coming from Cyprus, to enter the uninhabited island of Stan Dia, [?] twenty-four miles north of Candia, and we found the port very safe. The entry is easy, and in the port there is water and room for frigates


of the largest class. The harbour is very safe and good anchorage.

John Bramsen.

Lord Clancarty to Lord Castlereagh.

Frankfort sur Maine, December 13, 1815.

My dear Lord—I must beg you to lay me in the most humble manner at his Royal Highness the Prince Regent's feet, and convey to him my warmest acknowledgments of all his Royal Highness's gracious favours, more especially for that which you have conveyed to me of his royal sanction in advance of the option I should make between the Hague and home employment. You may, I think, safely assure his Royal Highness, in my name, that I shall at all times exert my best efforts to merit the continuance of his gracious approbation.

I must also request you to convey to Lord Liverpool my best thanks for the kindness he has been so good as to evince towards me upon this subject, and for the partial view he has so favourably taken of my capacity. I am truly sensible of the high value of his good opinion, and, though sufficiently flattered by it, should make but a poor return by engaging him to place me in situations whence neither the promotion of his views nor my own reputation would result. It is the way of the world that, when men receive favours, they are immediately ready to ask more. If, however, in the course of the next year, the situation of public affairs abroad shall admit, I should wish, at the time this can most conveniently be accorded, to obtain leave of absence for six weeks, till after spring, or perhaps midsummer.

Upon another subject, immediately connected with embassies, I had intended to speak to you, had my destination been home, but must now write summarily what I had to say.

Just before I left Paris, Hamilton mentioned to me in conversation that it was not the intention of the Foreign Office to name the attaches to embassies in future. Perhaps I am wrong, but it appears to me that leaving these to the nomination of ambassadors is losing a great card to the patronage of your department and of influence to Government. Hundreds of the first families in England would be indebted to Government for suffering their sons to go out with embassies, both for education in business and for the prospect thus afforded of making diplomacy their line in life. Under another arrangement, this would be converted into a personal compliment from the ambassador to his friend, and there would still be a claim not less strongly felt, though perhaps somewhat in fact less legitimate, for the future employment of persons thus nominated. This is my view of the subject; and, if you think with me, you cannot have a better occasion than the formation of my embassy to commence the practice, which ought to put an end to all claims of ambassadors hereafter appointed to make nominations of this sort. I shall thankfully receive whomsoever you shall send. Ever yours most affectionately, Clancarty.

The Hon. F. Lamb to Lord Casdereagh.

Munich, December 18, 1815.

My dear Lord—I have nothing to add to my official despatch except what I learned from Gentz, who passed through here a few days ago. I write at the risk of repeating what your lordship is already acquainted with.

He told me that there was no doubt of the Emperor's fixed determination to carry through his pretensions upon Bavaria by war, if it should be necessary, and added, that the whole transaction was contrary to the wishes and views of Metternich, who would willingly have relinquished the provinces in question to Bavaria, and have kept Landau and as much as could be obtained for Austria on the left bank of the Rhine. At the latter end of October, or beginning of November, he received a letter from the Emperor, written at Innspruck, and enclosing the reports of the Vienna police, in all of which was contained the greatest abuse of Metternich, while the depres


sion of the Austrian paper and every other subject of discontent were charged upon him and upon his weakness and lightness of character. The letter of the Emperor was extremely harsh, and, as Gentz expresses it, humiliating, so much so, as to render it evident that there was no alternative but to carry through the exchanges with Bavaria or to quit his place. From this, coupled with the declarations of General Wacquant, it appears quite certain that Austria is prepared for a rupture: and Gentz also informed me that General Langenau was directed to station a corps in Bohemia, and another in Upper Austria, so as to be able to act hostilely and to take possession of Salzburg upon the first order.

Your lordship will appreciate how much credit is to be given to Gentz's information: he impressed me with a belief that it was true. It appears certain that Bavaria must yield as soon as she is convinced that Austria is in earnest; and General Wacquant informed me that, in conversation with Wrede, whom he knows intimately, he had said to him—" Now that we two are alone together, what is it you can expect to do, with your three millions of population, against us, who have twentyeight, and who are supported by all the great Powers of Europe V and that Wrede himself had laughed at the idea of it. But I shall not the less regret if the arrangement cannot be brought to a conclusion, without the appearance of a determination to employ force, as it will infinitely increase the discontent against Austria, which has already been excited here by the present transaction, and which, I am afraid, is already likely to be very lasting.

I do not trouble your lordship with any account of the negociation with which I have been charged by the Duke of Wellington, relative to the orders given to the Bavarian contingent, as I conclude he will not have failed fully to inform your lordship upon the subject.

I have the honour to be, &c, F. Lamb.

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