Yet

cannot be very strongly enlisted. there is a satisfaction in thinking that there have been great men among our ancestors. John Thompson, whose grandfather spent his days hammering a lapstone, and grew rich by the rise of land, takes now a secret joy in studying heraldry, and ascertaining that the first of the Thompsons was slain in the wars of the Roses; and if it makes John feel more like a gentleman, or gives one a more assured confidence that there is no hereditary impediment in the way of his studying a beautiful art, perhaps it does no harm to encourage this propensity to think nobly of the blood from which we are descended. It is possible to judge well of ourselves without judging ill of others. We may reverence our English music, as we do our poetry, and still admire that of other nations, the German and the old Italian. We may have a list of great masters, taking in all history, and brought down to the latest moment, like those odd catalogues of saints one sometimes meets in the religious newspapers. It may include, for example, Jubal, Jeduthun, the chief musicians on Neginoth, Aijeleth Shahar, Shoshannim-eduth, Gittith, and Mahalath Leanoth, Apollo, St. Cecilia, Pope Gregory, Palestrina, Bach, Handel, Ole Bull, De Meyer, Jesse Hutchinson and Christy's Minstrels. The continent of America is so extensive that it is becoming in us, while we feel an honest pride in our lineage, to entertain enlarged views in matters of art as well as in those of government and affairs.

Perhaps the great reason why so little has been written upon music that has tended to its advancement, has been that the true philosophy of it has been so imperfectly understood. The great artists are guided by intuition rather than by

principles, and the writers have written opinions ex cathedra, rather than shown the reasons of them. The true province of the art has not been defined. The uneducated have not been taught to distinguish between music which is expressive and that which is merely effective; they have been left to fall into the old error respecting imitation and description. The poetic element, which is the life of the art, has not been insisted on; and though good musicians are always ready to feel and acknowledge it, they do not think of fixing upon it as the one only test of excellence. The feeling with them is true, but in translating it into language, there is a lamentable want of clear ideas.

Thus, for example, after hearing such a beautiful piece as Fingal's Cave, which was played at the last Philharmonic rehearsal, one might gather almost as many opinions as there were auditors. All would be pleased with it; but one would pitch upon the peculiar richness of the instrumentation: another would admire the perpetual novelty and variety in the treatment of the subjects; another would be struck with the perfect imitation in the opening of the noise of a heavy sea rolling in upon a desolate shore. But all these might have existed in the piece, and it still have been poor music. It is in the poetry of it that its excellence consists-the musical ideas, which the treatment, the instrumentation, the imitation, belong to and adorn, but would be nothing without. This one principle is the simple key to the highest mysteries of the art; and though it is applied differently in different minds, as it is by different composers, yet it would save both hearers and musicians the trouble of much vague thinking, to have it always kept clearly present in their understandings. G. W. P.

THE revolution in France has not been productive of any political consequences in England. Considerable excitement was of course caused by that event; but this was in a great degree quieted, by the announcement of Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons on the 29th February, that the English Ambassador was in communication with M. Lamartine, and that the French Provisional Government expressed a disposition to preserve peace; and also by an emphatic declaration of Lord John Russell, made in the same place on the 28th February, that the government had no intention whatever of interfering with the form of government which the French nation might please to adopt; nor would the British government in any way meddle with the internal affairs of France. The news, however, had great influence on the stock exchange. On the 28th February, consols fell as low as 801, and have ever since continued to fluctuate. On the 25th March the closing price was about 83, but by the news just arrived, we perceive they had on the 2d April receded to 811. On the 18th March, the amount of bullion and coin in the Bank of England was over fourteen millions sterling. Early in March there were some meetings in London of a tumultuous character; lamps and windows were broken, and numerous depredations were committed. Some Chartists attempted to give a political turn to the affair, but the mobs, which were in great part composed of thieves and mischievous persons, were dispersed by the police, and the ringleaders consigned to jail. The working men and all other classes, have volunteered in great numbers to officiate as special constables, if necessary, to preserve order. In Glasgow there were outbreaks of a more serious nature. A mob of about 5000 assembled, and after being addressed by some Chartists, they robbed the stores of gunsmiths and others, but were completely put down by a small military force, after five or six of their number had been killed by the fire of a body of fifteen or sixteen military pensioners, who being surrounded and threatened by the mob, were compelled to use their muskets in self-defence. About one hundred and fifty of the rioters were arrested. Plunder appears to have been the great object, as the crowds in every instance, except that quoted, ran away at the first appearance of the military. The Chartists are getting up meetings and delivering inflammatory addresses in several of the large towns, but nothing serious has occurred. They have sent a deputation of

fraternisers to Paris, who have paid a visit to the Provisional Government. A very large number of English male and female work-people, who were employed in France, have been driven away by the French populace, and compelled to return home, losing the wages due to them, and all the little property they possessed. The Queen has added another princess to the Royal Family, now six in number. The proposed addition of two per cent. to the income tax has been abandoned on account of its great unpopularity.

Great preparations were made in Ireland for meetings to address the French nation, which were to have been held on St. Patrick's day, but these were postponed. Smaller meetings were, however, held in the various parishes of Dublin and other places, at which resolutions were passed, and Repeal petitions adopted. On the 20th March the Trades Union and Young Ireland party had a demonstration at Dublin, at which violent harangues were delivered. The people were congratulated on having established their right of meeting; and told, it was hoped they would be ready, when called upon, to meet in another and more effective way. Among the resolutions, was one approv ing of "the recognition of the rights of labor" by the French government. On the following day Mr. Smith O'Brien, M. P., Mr. T. F. Meagher and Mr. J. F. Mitchell, were held to bail by a Police Magistrate, the two former for having delivered speeches calculated to excite unlawful opposition to the government, and the latter for having published in a paper called "The United Irishman," articles of a similar tendency. The latest accounts state, that rifles and other weapons, including pikes of twelve feet long, are being purchased in considerable quantities, and meetings held in rooms for drilling and teaching the use of these weapons. The military force is being augmented by the government, for the purpose of suppressing any attempted outbreak.

On the 24th February, Louis Philippe and the ex-queen commenced their flight from Paris, proceeding to Versailles, where they hired a common carriage and drove to Dreux; after which, they wandered in disguise from place to place, until the afternoon of Thursday, the 2d of March, when they embarked at Honfleur in a fishing boat, and were conveyed on board the English steamer " Express," then waiting at Havre with her steam up, and which immediately started for England. On the following morning they landed at Newhaven

without money, and the late king even without a change of clothing, dressed in a cap and blouse, with a pilot coat lent to him by the captain of the steamer. Their companions were Generals Dumas and Roumigni, M. Thuret, the king's private valet, and Mlle. Muser, attendant on the queen. They have assumed the names of Count and Countess de Neuilly, and have taken up their residence at Clermont, a seat belonging to the King of the Belgians. All the other members of the late Royal Family have arrived safely in England, except the Duchess of Orleans and her children, who escaped to Germany, and at the last accounts were residing at Ems. MM. Guizot and Duchatel also escaped to England.

The Provisional Government of France, on the 25th February, distributed its labors as follows: Dupont, (de l'Eure,) President of the Council; Lamartine, Foreign Secretary; Arago, Secretary of Marine; Crémieux, of Justice; Gen. Bedeau, of War; Marie, of Public | Works: Ledru Rollin, of the Interior; Bethemont, of Commerce; Carnot, of Public Instruction; Goudchaux, of Finances; Garnier Pagès, Mayor of Paris. Gen. Cavaignac was appointed Governor of Algeria, and Gen. Courtais, Commandant General of the National Guard. One of their first acts was a proclamation by the Provisional Government, declaring that by the "call of the people and some deputies," in the sitting of the 24th of February, it was for the moment invested with the care of organizing and securing the national victory. It proceeds:-" Frenchmen, give to the world the example Paris has given to France. Prepare yourselves, by order and confidence in yourselves, for the institutions which are about to be given you. The Provisional Government desires a Republic, pending the ratification of the French people, who are to be immediately consulted. Neither the people of Paris nor the Provisional Government desire to substitute their opinion for the opinion of the citizens at large, upon the definite form of government which the national sovereignty shall proclaim."

Our limits preclude the possibility of giving even an outline of the various decrees issued on this and a few following days; the greatest energy was displayed in restoring order and tranquillity, and providing occupation both of mind and body for the numbers who had been let loose by the Revolution: our notice must be confined to those of the greatest political import and bearing, on the future destiny of France. An address of thanks was issued to the National Guard, which announced that "at the present hour all the citizens form part of the National Guard." Garnier Pagès also proclaimed "The Government of the French Republic pledges itself to guarantee the existence of the working man by his labor. It engages also to guarantee work to all citizens.

It recognizes the fact that working men are entitled to unite together to enjoy the legitimate advantages of their labor." Twenty-four battalions of National Guard were recruited in the city of Paris, to be paid 1 fr. 50 c. per day, and clothed and armed at the public cost. These were immediately marched for the frontier. All linen clothes and small articles pledged at the Mont-de-Piété, on which not more than 10 fr. had been lent, were to be redeemed at the public charge, and delivered to the owners. The Tuilleries was declared an asylum for invalided workmen. Admiral Baudin was sent to Toulon to sail with a fleet, and has taken possession of Algeria, in the name of the Government. The National Guard which had been suppressed out of Paris by the late, was reinstated by the present government throughout France, and the Colonels of the twelve legions in Paris were dismissed. All political prisoners set at liberty. On Saturday, 26th February, a great number of armed workmen presented themselves at the Ministry of the Interior. M. Ledru Rollin energetically addressed them, and requested them to withdraw, and they ultimately did so in compliance with his recommendation to go and enrol as National Guards. Several similar scenes took place at the Hotel de Ville, where M. Lamartine was compelled to address the multitude five times in the course of the day. The same scenes occurred on the following days, and the appearance and demeanor of the assemblages were at times anything but respectful to their rulers; the tact and the eloquence of the members of the government were sufficient, however, to appease all angry feeling; and the conduct of the populace has hitherto, from a reliance on the very liberal promises of the new government, and other causes, been remarkably peacable; but notwithstanding this, Paris has been ever since the Revolution, and is at present, at the mercy of an armed multitude, all regular troops having been withdrawn at the demand of the populace, and the National Guard incorporated with an additional force of 150,000 of the lower order, by which their former identity has been completely destroyed, a decree having been made that all the officers shall be chosen by the entire mass. On the third day of their existence, the Provisional Government decreed, "Royalty is abolished. The Republic is proclaimed. The people will exercise their political rights. National workshops are open for those who are without work." Also the abolition of the penalty of death for political offences, and every citizen who had attained his majority was declared a National Guard. The adhesion of the principal cities and towns has been sent in, and no outward sign of opposition to the new order of affairs has been manifested in any part of France; all have recognized and acknowledged the change. One of the most important docu

uments is a species of manifesto from M. Lamartine to the various foreign ministers in Paris. It contains the following: "You are acquainted with the events of Paris, &c. The French Revolution has thus entered its final period. The proclamation of the French Government is not an act of aggression against any form of government in the world. War is not then the principle of the French Republic, as by a fatal and glorious necessity, it had become in 1792. In 1792, it was not the entire people who had entered into possession of its then government; it was the middle class alone who desired to exercise and enjoy liberty. The triumph of the middle class was then selfish, as is the triumph of every oligarchy. In 1792, the people were only the instruments of Revolution, not the objects of it. To-day, the Revolution is made by them and for them. But apart from these disinterested considerations, the sole interest of consolidation and duration of the Republic, will inspire the statesmen of France with thoughts of peace. The French Republic will not then provoke war against any one. She need not say that she will accept it, if the conditions of war be laid down to the French people. The feeling of the men who govern France at this moment, is this: happy France, if war be declared against her, and if she be thus constrained to increase her power and glory, despite of moderation. The treaties of 1815 exist no longer, as a right, in the eyes of the Republic; however, the territorial limits of these treaties are a fact which it admits as bases and starting points in her relations with other nations." It then goes on to say, that if the hour for the reconstruction of some oppressed nationalities in Europe or elsewhere should appear to be announced in the decrees of Providence, and if limits or obstacles were opposed to these internal transformations, the French Republic would believe herself authorized to arm for the protection of those legitimate movements of growth and nationality "she will never permit the hand of any one between the pacific radius of her liberty, and the regard of nations." A permanent commission, with M. Louis Blanc at its head, has been formed, with the express and special mission of occupying itself with the rights of labor, and workmen are invited to form part of the commission, which sits in the late Chamber of Peers; working time has been reduced one hour per diem-to ten hours in Paris, and eleven in the provinces. On the 29th February, the Archbishop of Paris and the clergy sent in their formal adhesion; also various other public bodies. Strikes of workmen for more pay and less labor have taken place in Paris, and have extended to the provinces; the wages of omnibus drivers have been raised by order of the government. At the commission of workmen on the 17th March, M. Louis Blanc met a deputation of masters whom he addressed

on the evils of unlimited competition, and the benefits of association; the proceedings were most disorderly, silence could not be preserved, and the Minister abruptly quitted and went to the Hotel de Ville, to assist in the receptions there. A decree having been issued by which certain compagnies d'élite of the National Guards which were somewhat more select than the general body, were to be dissolved and fused in the mass for the purpose of furthering the designs of the ultra-democratic party, excited great indignation among the old National Guard, a large body of whom presented themselves unarmed at the Hotel de Ville, and demanded a recall of the ordinance, which being refused, they threatened to return in arms the following day, and they did accordingly return in a large force, but were compelled to retire, a crowd of 30,000 persons having assembled to prevent their access to the seat of government. The election of the National Assembly, to consist of nine hundred representatives, (fifteen of them from Algiers,) having been decreed to take place on the 20th April, the Provisional Government sent out Commissioners to the various departments, who were instructed by M. Ledru Rollin, that their powers were unlimited! "Agents of a revolutionary authority, you are revolutionary also. The victory of the people has imposed on you the duty of getting your work consolidated and proclaimed. For the accomplishment of this task, you are invested with its sovereignty; you take orders only from your own conscience." They are directed strongly to forward republican sentiments; to change the prefects and sub-prefects everywhere; also mayors and deputies; to nominate their successors, preferring young men, "as order and generosity is the privilege of that age;" to dissolve hostile municipal councils; to call out the military and to suspend its commanding officers; to demand from the legal functionaries a devoted co-operation. "The elections are your great work"-" New men, and as much as possible from the ranks of the people. The working classes, who form the living strength of the nation, should choose from among them, men recommended by their intelligence, morality and devotedness; united to the elite of thinking men, they will bring force into the discussion of all great questions which will be agitated under the authority of their practical experience." On the 1st Jan. 1841, the public debt (deducting government stock belonging to the sinking fund,) was 4,267,315,402 francs. On the 1st February, 1848, it was 5,179,614,730 francs, and the floating debt had increased from 1831 to Feb. 1848, from 250 to 670 millions of francs. The annual expenses of the late French Government considerably exceeded that of Great Britain, and loans to over 900 millions of francs had been made since 1831. It is not possible in our limits, to give a detailed state