took the lead, though comprising the chief of the aristocracy of the country, presented at this moment, and for several years afterward, an unstable and heterogeneous composition. It was split into as many sections as a marching regiment on the parade; but having no other principle of a military body, exhibited only the irregular energy, when it showed any energy at all, of an undisciplined mob; a mass of moral quicksilver, without any fixed point of adhesion; the cuttings and parings of all opinions, jumbled into a crude, vacillating, unintelligible whiggism; most of the members, in fact, a kind of neutral-ground men, so wavering, so undecided, so uncertain in their support, as almost to justify the wish of Mr. Burke, that " he hoped to God the race was extinct."

The Marquis, the Duke of Newcastle, and their friends, forming the main body, deemed themselves sound Whigs; the Duke of Bedford professed to be a Whig; the Duke of Grafton called himself a Whig; Mr. George Grenville thought himself a Whig; and Mr. Pitt, if he hung aloof from the name of Whig, was so near to it in substance, that none but himself could distinguish the difference. Each of these had various shades of opinion, and some of their followers, as it proved, no opinions at all; while several, with Charles Townshend, seemed so eager for place, or unsteady in principle, as to be ready, upon the summons, to adopt or surrender any opinions whatever. Statesmen out of office are often in the unlucky predicament of being unable to explain,

to the satisfaction of the people, their hair's-breadth differences of sentiment with those who are in; and when they happen to succeed, do not always get as much credit as they expect for utility, novelty, or sincerity, in their views.

Lord Rockingham, doomed to be a leader of short-lived administrations, commanded general respect for the qualities of his heart and manners. He was not a great man, only perhaps because he already enjoyed the chief of the fruits of political greatness-almost the highest rank and the amplest

fortune.

But were there an order of statesmen set apart from the general class, distinguished for clear views, unwavering integrity, for a sound understanding and an upright mind, who aimed at no brilliancy, and were superior to all duplicity or trick, even to promote a favourite purpose, he would have stood at the head of the list. His knowledge and acquirements were all substantial. He had much for use, though but little for display. His rank in life affording an enlarged view of the political horizon, he observed keenly, and expressed himself in public, on most occasions, wisely and temperately. Never touching on the extremes of timidity or rashness, he possessed the useful art of knowing exactly how far to go, on party occasions, and where to stop. Whoever had him for an opponent had an honourable one, whom, if he could not convince, he could scarcely disesteem; and as a minister, none could have more unequivocally at heart the good of his country.

Through the recommendation of several friends, particularly Mr. Fitzherbert, Mr. Burke received the appointment of private secretary to this nobleman, July 17, 1765, just a week after the latter had been nominated to the head of the Treasury. "The British dominions," says a writer who knew most of the political characters of the time, "did not furnish a more able and fit person for that important and confidential situation;-the only man since the days of Cicero who has united the talents of speaking and writing with irresistible force and elegance."

By those who knew him intimately he was undoubtedly deemed a great acquisition to the Ministry; he, however, had not the same high opinion of his situation, having afterwards said, that of all the members of the party, he had the least sanguine hopes of it as a road to power.

The appointment had been scarcely gained, when misconception or enmity threatened to fling him back once more to a private station. No sooner was it known to the Duke of Newcastle, who had accepted the seals, than he waited upon the Marquis, over whom he had some influence, and told him that he had unwarily taken into his service a man of dangerous principles, a Papist, and a Jacobite. The statement was immediately communicated, in some alarm, to the accused. The latter at once admitted that several of his connexions were Catholics, but disclaimed that persuasion for himself and all the members of his

own family, as well as every other part of the charge; and further, that his education and conduct while at Trinity College, and the tenor of his life after quitting it, were known to several mutual acquaintance, who were at hand, and might be referred to, to disprove the calumny.

The Marquis saw so much frankness in the explanation, that he readily declared himself satisfied, but not so his independent secretary. He said it was impossible they could longer continue in confidential communication; for that the impression his Lordship had received would imperceptibly produce reserve and suspicion, embarrassing to public business, and so unpleasant to the subject of them, that nothing on earth should induce him to remain in such a situation.

Struck with this further instance of openness and spirit, the Marquis instantly assured him, that so far from any bad impression remaining on his mind, his manly conduct had obliterated every scruple, and that if for nothing but what had occurred on that occasion, he should ever esteem and place in him the fullest confidence,—a promise which he faithfully performed. "Neither," adds Lord Charlemont, the relator of the anecdote, and who personally knew the circumstances, "had he at any time, or his friends after his death, the least: reason to repent of that confidence; Burke having ever acted toward him with the most inviolate faith and affection, and towards his surviving friends with a constant and disinterested fidelity,

which was proof against his own indigent circum stances and the magnificent offers of those in power."

Byjan arrangement with Lord Verney he came immediately into Parliament as Member for Wendover in Buckinghamshire, his Lordship, in return, being Gazetted a Privy-Councillor; and it may be remarked, that though the principal appointments under the Ministry, and among others that of the private secretaries, are mentioned in the Annual Register of the year, his own name seems studiously omitted. William Bourke soon afterwards became Under Secretary of State to General Conway, and Member for Bedwin in Wiltshire; sitting for the latter until the general election in 1774.

Seldom perhaps did a ministry succeed to office under more discouraging circumstances than that under the Marquis of Rockingham. Though of unobjectionable reputation, several of the members were young in office; they were scarcely popular, from being supposed to stand in the way of Mr. Pitt; they were not favourites at Court, on account of holding some principles at variance with those who were, perhaps invidiously, called the interior cabinet, or King's friends; neither were they sufficiently united among themselves, either from previous concert or personal attachments, particularly after the death of the Duke of Cumberland, who expired suddenly at a meeting held to arrange some of the business of the session.

In America, the discontents were become truly alarming, in consequence of the Stamp Act passed