borhood of water power. To such villages, coal, cotton, and all supplies were to be conveyed at cost of transportation; but steam is located everywhere-particularly where coal, cotton, houses and labor, are most abundant, and of course is most successful where these advantages are in the highest degree combined. Thus, the Massachusetts Company at Lowell, running 45,720 spindles, costs as follows per annum:

Now, at Cannelton, Indiana, coal at the mills costs 60 cents per ton, instead of $6 25, and cotton an average of one cent less, or, on a mill of 10,000 spindles, which will use 1,800,000 pounds per annum, $20,000. Thus, such a mill, in diminished cost of fuel and cotton, will save $30,000, or 10 per cent, on the capital, as compared with a Lowell water-power; and, furthermore, it will produce 4,500,000 yards of cloth-say No. 14 sheetings-which they can sell at per cent. a yard less than Lowell goods will cost at the West, and yet realize per cent. themselves more than the Lowell manufacturer obtains, making 22,500 in their profits. The same general results are obtained in all southern and western sections; but above and beyond this, the cotton which reaches the southern mill has not only less of expense, but of waste and detention attached to it. It will be delivered clean, and not travel-stained, The effect of this is already very marked in the goods produced at the South Carolina and Georgia mills. The effect of manufacturing at the South must be an immense saving, in a general point of view. Thus the cotton, from the moment the bolls open until it is spun, undergoes a continued process of waste. In the field, a considerable portion is thrown out, soiled and stained. In the ginning process much necessary waste is sustained; and when the bags begin to move, the ground, as it were, is kept white with their contents along the muddy country roads to the sea-ports, where sampling, repacking and mud, make further inroads, both on quantity and quality; the unnecessary waste, from all these operations, cannot be put down at less than ten per cent. which, on such a crop as that of last year, amounts to 130,000,000lbs. worth had it been carefully saved; at present prices, fifteen million two hundred thousand dollars, or enough to pay the whole freight earned by northern ships in its transportation; or if, as would have been the case at the North, invested in manufacture, it would have furnished the capital to set in motion more spindles than exist at the North. This fact has been discovered; and with the growth of factories at the South, a greater degree of thrift will manifest itself, tending to accumulate capital, or the means of more successful industry. The northern section has doubtless, up to this moment, had the full advantage of water-power and the profits of transportation. By a transfer of the coarser fabrications to the South, the North will be driven to the production of finer descriptions, on which the profit will be ultimately as great to the manufacturer, but the earnings of forwarders far less. In relation to labor at Lowell, it is a singular fact that the character of the population is almost entirely changed; that is to say, immigrant Irish have almost altogether supplanted American girls in the factories. The supply of labor from this source is open to one section of the Union as well as to another, and protectionists are furnished with this problem: If the protective system of England failed to procure the employment of countless numbers there, who find it hard under our low tariff, which is the best conservative of the rights of labor?

POLITICAL MISCELLANY.

UNION MEETING IN NEW-YORK.-JAMES K. PAULDING.-It is known that New-York invariably sends Democratic members to the National Congress, when the party is undivided by treason among its would-be members. At the election of the present members of Congress, as well as of the present Legislature, however, the defection of the Van Burenites, added to the falsehoods circulated in relation to General Taylor and his policy, defeated the Democratic candidates. Thus, the assurance that those in office should not be disturbed, induced the office-holders in New-York to paralyse every movement of the Democratic party towards action. Many others were members of the general committee of the city and county; and while vociferating in favor of the Democracy, took especial good care that there should be no efficient action towards an effective organization that might defeat General Taylor. At the same time, the adherents of Mr. Van Buren openly followed him into the opposition ranks; and the followers of General Taylor everywhere avowed him to be in favor of the absurd Wilmot Proviso. These three distinct cheats it was which elected General Taylor, and gave New-York a whig legislature and Congressional delegation. All of these obtained their places on false pretences, and are now admittedly reaping the fruits of their frauds. The following instructive scene took place in the United States Senate, March 13.

The Hon. Mr. Douglass, of Illinois, than whom no more able defender of national Democracy and genuine Republicanism treads the halls of Congress, in commenting upon the causes which had produced the present difficulties upon the slavery question, said they resulted from the double dealing of the whig party, who represented General Taylor at the North as in favor of the Wilmot Proviso, and at the South as the friend of non-intervention. The Senator from New-York (Mr. Seward) among others, had pledged General Taylor not to veto the proviso.

Mr. Seward denied that he had pledged General Taylor to anything; he had told the people in his state that he believed General Taylor would not veto the proviso, if introduced into a hill by Congress."

Mr. Douglass said it amounted to the same thing, and asked Mr. Seward if General Taylor could have received the vote of New-York if the people there had not agreed with him in relation to the probable action of Gen. Taylor, if elected? Mr. Seward replied in the negative.

Mr. Douglass, in resuming, said "The result was, that the people were cheated. The Legislature of New-York was carried by Whigs in consequence of the cheat; and Mr. Seward had been elected to the Senate of the United States by that Legislature, as a fruit of the cheat."

This is undoubtedly true. The presence of the whole whig delegation at Washington is a fraud, and no person endowed with principles of common honesty would, like Mr. Seward, retain his seat after admitting it to be the result of fraud. Had those frauds not been committed, there would, as Mr. Seward confesses, have been six Democrats instead of six Whigs in the House from New-York, which would have inade a Democratic majority so decided as to have avoided all the delay of electing a Speaker, and deprived the whole freesoil disunion faction of its power for evil. The same frauds which elected those men also elected the Whig legislature which, in the person of Mr. Seward, carried out the fraud in the United States Senate. That legislature then sat sixty days, doing no business whatever except passing resolutions instructing the Congressional delegation to vote for the Wilmot Proviso. The passage of that resolution cost the State $24,000; and the day it was telegraphed to Washing

ton, the reply came that the delegation would pay no attention to it. Thus sixty days of time, and $24,000 of the people's money, had been squandered by a fraudulent delegation on the most absurd resolutions ever passed. Thus an editor of the Express newspaper was elected, on false pretences, to represent one-fourth of the City of New-York in Congress. An editor of the Courier and Enquirer was elected also, on false pretences, to represent one sixteenth of the city in Assembly. He, with others similarly situated, spends $34,000 and sixty days in the concocting of resolutions, instructing Mr. Brooks in regard to his Congressional duty, pretending that he represents the people.

The split in the Democratic party, by which the whigs had profited so much, enabling the Tribune and Mr. Seward to elect a slave-holding Whig President, was kept alive by those who had held office under General Taylor. On the 9th of February, the Democratic General Committee of New-York held a meeting at Tammany Hall, and passed resolutions, which were contained in our March number, denouncing by name the Whig and Van Buren pretended Democrats, and calling a meeting to denounce the Wilmot Proviso. The meeting so called 'was broken up by a band of "fighting men," pugilists, and others, headed by a person who, formerly attached to the Democratic party, abandoned it during the election, and canvassed for General Taylor. The funds for the disturbers, as well as for that canvass, were generally understood to have been furnished by certain Whig politicians formerly connected with "pipe laying." The agency of General Taylor's cabinet in the matter is indicated in an arrangement, which was made shortly after the disturbance, of the appointment of the leader of the rioters as bearer of despatches to California. A union demonstration, in support of Mr. Clay's position, was held at about the same time; and it was important to the Whig wire pullers that the Democratic meeting should be frustrated; while the Van Buren wing of the Whig free-soil party were interested in preventing an expose of free-soil weakness among the Democratic party. On the 25th February, the meeting was re-organized with such precautions as prevented any disturbance, much to the chagrin of those free-soil disunionists, who, represented by the N.York Evening Post, constitute one wing of the Seward party. The meeting was ably addressed by James T. Brady, Esq., and other sound Democrats. The able letters of Senators Dickinson and Cass on that occasion, breathing the most national patriotism, have been laid before the public. The following, from the Hon. James K. Paulding, was received by the gentlemen to whom it was addressed, after the meeting. It will address itself to the hearts of all Democrats in all sections of our glorious Union:

Hyde Park, Dutchess County, March 14th, 1850.

GENTLEMEN :-Owing to some accident, I did not receive your invitation to address the meeting of which you constituted a committee, in time to attend, had other circumstances permitted. Before I could reply to it, I saw by the papers, that the meeting had been interrupted by the intrusion of disorderly persons, and those by whom it was called, violently ejected.

Since then I have been prevented from replying to your invitation by having one of the fingers on my right hand disabled; but having seen the proceedings of another meeting, called for a similar purpose, in which you participated, I deem it a fit occasion to express my acknowledgments for your kind attention, and my hearty concurrence in these and all other similar efforts to preserve the Union, now in imminent jeopardy. I have long since retired from all active participation in political struggles, but I still love my country. She is the mistress of my old age, and so long as I live, I shall stand ready to lend my feeble aid in arresting a wild and daring spirit of fanaticism, which strengthened by new allies and animated by new hopes, has at length brought our Union to the brink of a precipice, where it now stands hovering on the verge of dissolution. Yes, gentlemen, the wolf that has been so often cried is come at last.

The Union is now really in danger-in imminent danger. Not the rattling of the throat or the collapse in the frame of the dying patient is more significant of

approaching dissolution, than the indications I now see multiplying in every direction. There is no longer any union of hearts, and the hands instead of cordially co-operating in mutual good offices, are pulling with such violence in opposite directions, that the great object of contention, instead of being gained by either party, will be rent asunder, and scattered to the winds; and there will be nothing to gather but the fragments.

Ever since the fatal secret was discovered that a small faction of fanatics in Ohio, and another in New-York, held the balance of power between the two great parties of the Union, and consequently controlled the election of President, each seems to have entered into a contest which shall pay the highest price for their support. The result has been, that instead of coming forward under the banner of their ancient and well defined principles, all have been merged in one great fanatical dogma, having no reference whatever to the doctrines of either party. All have been sacrificed at the shrine of fanaticism, now up for the highest bidder; the old landmarks are prostrated, and the question is now, whether the white man or the negro shall be free; whether we will sacrifice all the blessings of the present, all the anticipations of the future, to the emancipation of a race, whose insolence and ignorance becomes only the more offensive and intolerable with every approach to a realization of that freedom they seem incapable of enjoying without abusing and disgracing.

It was therefore with much satisfaction I saw that the committee which prepared the able and eloquent resolutions, adopted with so much unanimity, prefaced them by a declaration of principles on which the true democracy has always planted itself, and always been victorious when united in their support.— They have lately got into a very bad habit of losing sight of these great fundamental doctrines, the assertion of which gave dignity to party struggles, and made ambition virtue, and sought to strengthen themselves by an alliance with petty factions having no principles in common with theirs, and which were only elements of weakness; since though they brought a small accession of numbers, they disgusted a much larger portion of the old democracy, which scorned all association with such auxiliaries.

It is by this impolitic and unpatriotic course, that a portion of the democracy of New-York, which had always heretofore planted itself on the rock of the constitution and the rights of the states, has at length found itself with the millstone of fanaticism about its neck, and laboring in the same vineyard with a sect which has over and over declared that "we will give the union for the abolition of slavery ;" and as often denounced the constitution of the United States as "a gross violation of the law of God and the rights of nature." Can it be a matter of surprise that the long triumphant democracy, is now in a minority, not only in the state of New-York, but in the United States? - It has associated itself with the most dangerous spirit of fanaticism that ever manifested itself in this country; and many, very many, reflecting, patriotic men, who assisted in all its previous struggles, perceiving the inevitable consequences that must result from the sacrifice of political principles to fanatical dogmas, have retired from the field, and only look on in despair.

Gentlemen, whenever fanaticism enlists itself as a party in political struggles, it is very dangerous to the peace of communities and states. It is still more dangerous when it becomes the umpire in great party contests, and as a natural consequence, both parties become its tools. I say its tools, because those who seek its support, must support its principles. The leaders of parties may flatter themselves, that when they have gained the summit by the aid of the ladder of fanaticism, they can kick it from under them when they please; that when they have warmed themselves by the fire, they can blow it out with a breath; that when they have raised the whirlwind, they can at once still it into a calm. But they are egregiously mistaken. Fanaticism may be spurred, but no human power could ever yet bridle that fiery dragon. When sincere, it is a species of monomania; it sees but one object and knows but one good; and neither reasons, nor listens to reason. It is, if possible, still more dangerous when, as is

often the case, it cools down into rank hypocrisy, which is more cunning than madness and not half so honest.

It is the greatest of despots, and at all times stands ready to sacrifice all social ties, all social duties, and all obligations of patriotism to some stupendous dogma, for which it has no authority either in nature or reason, and can only sustain by perversions of scripture, or arrogant declamation. Knowing no law but its own hair-brained will, it pays no respect to the law; and every obstacle that stands in its way is denounced as a violation of the law of God and the rights of nature. If the well-defined and immutable principles of justice and equity which constitute the basis of all our moral and social duties, interfere with its presumptious assumptions of infallibility, it dashes them aside, and tramples them under foot. If the laws and constitutions of states oppose any obstacles to its furious course, they are denounced as impious violations of the law of God; and if the civil institutions or social organization of communities do not harmonize with their sublimated ideas of perfection, they must be ploughed up by the roots and harrowed into atoms.Thus, like Sampson's foxes, with firebrands at their tails, it sets every thing into a flame that comes in its way; and when at length it has completed its mission of destruction, perishes by self-combustion, leaving nothing behind but the ruins that mark its career. Such has been the course of fanaticism in every age and nation of the world. It has offered up millions of victims at its shrine; it has deluged the earth with the blood of her children, and in its mad pursuit of some imaginary good, produced more real evils than war, pestilence and famine. It is this dangerous spirit that has now got the ascendency among a portion of the people of the north, and which if not quelled in time, will assuredly, if not now, at some future period prove fatal to this Union, against which it has long been waging war. It has been incessantly laboring to destroy all reverence and respect for the constitution; it has sown the seeds of a most bitter, irreconcileable antipathy between two great sections of the Union; and in every possible mode, undermined its basis by setting the constituent elements in deadly conflict with each other. It is here we are to look for the source of those dislocated limbs of the confederation, which now only hang together by the skin, and which a few more shocks will separate forever. If this slavery agitation continues to gather new strength and new allies; and if the south is to be compelled to stand forever in the breach, defending its constitutional rights, yet losing ground in every engagement, you may call for the Union as loudly as you please, but it will not come. For all purposes of national strength, national peace, and national happiness, it is already. if not dead, at least in abeyance. The Wilmot Proviso is a declaration of war against the south, and unless retracted both in form and substance, will most assuredly cause one half the stars of our bright constellation to start madly from their sphere, far, far beyond the circle of attraction.

The course pursued by a portion of the democracy of the north, and which I trust they are now about to abandon, appears to me, a mere looker-on at a distance, to have been not only entirely inconsistent with its avowed principles, but exceedingly impolitic as regards its success as a party. In looking back on the struggles of the two great parties which have been striving for the ascendency ever since the adoption of the constitution, it will be seen that the democratie party has never triumphed except by a union of the democracy of the north with that of the south. Nor can it ever triumph in any other way. It was this union that secured the election of Jefferson and his democratic successors; nor did the federalists ever recover the ascendency, until the secession of Kentucky gave the Presidency to Mr. John Quincy Adams.

Yet, notwithstanding these repeated lessons of past experience, a section of the democracy, of the north, has wantonly severed all the bonds that knit them in one common interest, by making common cause with the fanatical abolitionists, and through their legislatures instructing their Senators and requesting their representatives in Congress to vote for the Wilmot Proviso, the substance of which may be dead, but the spirit of which survives in all its vigor. This proviso, as before stated, is a declaration of war against the south; a contemplated violation