nounced to be obnoxious. This is mainly noticeable at fairs, where, up till lately, farmers, under the ban of the Parnellite League, were unable to either buy or dispose of stock. Dealers turned their backs upon them. Now, however, buyers, even those who have been. most fiercely denounced by the League (the Land Corporation, for instance, than which Company no persons could be more obnoxious to the Nationalists) have been able to purchase stock at fairs, whilst previously to the passing of the Bill farmers scarcely dared so much as permit them to look at stock offered for sale.

The farmers will also experience the relief of being able to hire machinery and labourers for their harvesting operations, which of late years they could not do without first buying permission by becoming members of and subscribing to the Parnellite Association.

It is safe to predict, if the local leaders of the agitation (in most districts being the parish priests, therefore their influence is all the greater), who are also the chairmen of the greater number of the branches of the League throughout Ireland were prosecuted in every instance in which they were suspected of encouraging the pernicious system of boycotting, and of inflaming the passions of the people-who, in the cases of priests being chairmen, are members of their flocksagainst the law, that the people, who in their hearts would really rejoice at their emancipation from the tyranny of the League, would soon commence to draw comparisons between the law of the land and Parnellite law, and throw off all allegiance to the latter.

By picking up a prominent local agitator, or village tyrant, here, and another there, the Government would be enabled, without causing the terrible great outery the universal suppression of the National League would produce, to gradually undermine the power of the Parnellites and free the people from the tyrannical yoke of those disloyal men. This course, besides, would not have the same effect as the proclamation of the entire League at one blow would have, in extracting from IrishAmericans and other enemies of Great Britain funds for the Parnellite "war-chest." The gradual extinction of the branches would produce the satisfactory result of breaking the power of the League with less -opposition and disturbance.

As an example of the beneficial results of the passing of "The Criminal Law and Procedure (Ireland) Act," there can be given the following actual instance of relief from being boycotted.

Within a fortnight of the Act having received the Royal Assent, a large farmer named, holding upwards of sixty acres in the county (for obvious reasons it is not desirable to publish names and places), who had been in the habit of taking in grazing cattle, but who, for more than two years, has been badly boycotted in his business both as a shopkeeper and as a farmer, has informed his friends in Dublin that

he has now been enabled to take in stock upon his land. Now, why is this? According to this farmer's own words, it is "Thanks to the Crimes Act." No doubt, in process of time, many such instances will turn up.

By the firm and judicious administration of the Crimes Act, the Government will be certain to triumph over the promoters of anarchy and disorder in Ireland, and cannot fail in winning the confidence of the Irish people, who must be heartily tired of all the turmoil of the last eight or nine years, and must eagerly long for a period of repose. I remain, Gentlemen,

August 1887.

Yours faithfully,

GEORGE W. RUXTON.

P.S.-Since the above was in type a meeting of Separatists has been held on August 23rd, at the Rotunda, Dublin, to protest against the enactment of the Crimes Bill. Can there be any stronger arguments in favour of the necessity for the stringent enforcement of the Crimes Act than some of the observations made at the meeting by one or two of the Parnellite Members of Parliament ?

For instance, Mr. Dillon said :—

"The Tory Government have plucked up courage, after many delays, to proclaim the National League. They say in the Proclamation that the National League is a dangerous association. I am very proud to hear them say so. They (the Irish leaders) did their best to make it so. They did their best to make it a dangerous association, and if they have succeeded in doing so they have done their duty to the people of Ireland."

Mr. Dillon also threatened :

"If there be a man in Ireland base enough-and I do not believe that there is—to turn and back out" (meaning from the Plan of Campaign) "now that the Coercion Act was passed, I pledge myself to denounce him from public platforms by name."

This was direct intimidation to prevent a man doing what he not only has a perfect right to do, but is bound to do, viz., to drop all connection with a scheme which has been declared by the Government to be illegal.

"Moreover (said Mr. Dillon), I think that the man would be brave who would play the coward on account of this Coercion Act." Mr. W. O'Brien backed up Mr. Dillon by saying:

"I take it for granted there was no Nationalist in Ireland, who was worth his salt, who would not disobey the Proclamation, and resist it and trample on it every hour of the day."

Not only is the Proclamation to be ignored, but aggressive steps are to be taken against it.

These speeches must surely prove that any delay in putting into operation the clauses against inciting men to resist the law and oppose the working of the Crimes Act will be extremely dangerous to the peace of the country.

G. W. R.

GENTLEMEN,

Decay of Physical Strength in Towns.

TO THE EDITORS OF THE "NATIONAL REVIEW."

I HAVE read an article on "The Decay of Physical Strength in Towns," by Lord Brabazon, with more than ordinary interest, for his remarks strike one at once with the importance of the subject, and it is one which particularly seems worthy of close attention, striking, as it does, at the root of the nation's welfare. I am, therefore, tempted to venture on a few remarks on the same subject, tending to show that in my opinion Lord Brabazon's suggestions are insufficient, if the evil is as bad as he says, and it is much to fear it is so; and that his remedies will be long in being felt unless supported by stronger measures. People seem to have had a plethora of social subjects, but we can be proud of the fact that modern times are distinguished chiefly by the great interest which is aroused and displayed on behalf of the amelioration of the state of the many; and when we remember what statecraft's aim and end is and should be, it is no small matter for congratulation that public sympathy is so active in this direction; and though it is always possible to find grumblers who will tell you that all statesmen and politicians are mere selfish gamblers for the prizes in life, we can, I am sure, gladly admit that improvements have been effected, and are still going on, in the present condition of the lower classes. But this should only be an incentive to further exertions and to more drastic reforms; and it is this feeling that leads me to offer these remarks.

I quite agree with what Lord Brabazon says as to the state of the physique in towns, but it is hard to believe that the Swedish drills and Royal Commissions which he suggests can effect the desired object, or that this is all that is wanting. In fact, if all his Lordship's premisses are true, I cannot but think he must have consigned his article to print with a very unsatisfied conscience. Have a Royal Commission by all means, it may do a great deal of good in bringing to the light much that is unknown, but for our present purpose it seems to me that the evils are only too plain and the necessary checks only too wanting. His suggestion of physical training is a very excellent one as far as it goes,

but we want, first of all, a healthy subject to act upon, and the question immediately arises, How are we to do that? What we want is health, and all the commissions and drills in the world, if exercised only on imperfect subjects, will never bring about the desired end. It is absolutely necessary to have a foundation of health to start upon, just as you would make sure of your foundation in building a bridge. Physical training for imperfect and unhealthy bodies is, of course, ever so much better than none at all, and would do a great deal of good, but I venture to think, and, indeed, it is very apparent, that this will not furnish us with what is wanting.

There are two causes which lie at the root of the present weakness of the physique, granting all that Lord Brabazon says is true, and I am afraid we must admit that it is. Disease, in fact, pervades the whole of the lower classes, and a moment's thought must tell us what these causes are. Look at our revenues and see from what sources they are derived; see how utterly disproportionate is the consumption of liquors to that of food. Latest statistics show that, and it seems to me that very little hesitation as to what must be done need arise, if we may look at the thing plainly. Let us ask ourselves what it is we want to avoid, and, having answered that question, let us set to work to avoid it. We want health and to get rid of disease, and, in order to avoid its propagation and to put an effectual stop to it, we must have healthy parents, and how is it they are so unhealthy? As Lord Brabazon says, no doubt very truly, it is very much to be attributed to bad food, confined areas, &c. but there is no use in mincing matters on so important a subject. There is, also, no doubt, and we are all of us convinced, without calling in the aid of statistics, that the ill-health is due to the abuse of drink and not so much to bad food. To put it plainly, we must admit that the drunkenness in the country is a curse and an evil which has been allowed to run its course too long, and which cannot be suppressed with too severe a hand. I would make laws, imposing such penalties on drunkenness, as should prove a most effectual deterrent. To raise the price of drink, and so put it out of the power of many to get it, would be an offence against more than one axiom of political economy; that means is, therefore, debarred us. But I think it cannot be too strongly urged that repressive legislation in this direction should be put in force at once, to check an evil which is literally eating away the vitals of our nation. Go to the root of a thing if you want to get at it effectually.

Here is one cause of defective physique. Repress this cause by all the means in the hands of a powerful Government, and health will spring up again if nature be allowed a chance. Education has not yet succeeded in making men practise self-denial, which they know to be good 10

VOL. X.

of their own free will, and, until it does, I think that their efforts require assistance from a fatherly Government to enable them to repress their animal instincts.

The other cause to which I am going to refer lies in the immorality now going on in our big towns; of the numbers of children that are born, it is hard to say how few are'not illegitimate. The fruit of a moment's indulgence, with its lengthy retribution of disease and uncleanliness-the union of drink and disease-presents to our imagination the spectacle of an offspring too unsightly to be contemplated calmly, and yet it is from this soil that are growing the future forces of our nation; let us not disregard this fact. The rush of people from the country to the towns, to which Lord Brabazon alludes, is a misfortune, and one which is almost impossible to be avoided, one of those things against which it is impossible to legislate, without seeming to infringe on the liberty of action which the Englishman likes to pride himself upon. We must, therefore, direct our efforts to an attempt to cope with this, using what means are in our power.

It is, of course, true, the physique of the country-bred man is better than that of the town-bred man; but why is this? Because the latter is exposed to temptations and their consequences, hitherto unchecked by law. The death-rate in London is lower than in any other part of the country. Decay of physique cannot well, therefore, be attributed to bad atmosphere; in fact, it only goes to show that it is all the more necessary to legislate for the evils that do predominate in towns, and that really lie at the root of our present subject.

The first thing, as I say, that I would urge, is strong repressive legislation against drunkenness; the second and more important suggestion I have to make, but one which the unreflecting sentiment of the country as yet regards with little or no favour, is that we should have some strong remedial measure for the diseases which are the most virulent that attack men, and, sad to state, too common. Natural instincts are too strong an element to be disregarded or to be quenched, but they can be guided, and, I venture to think it a necessity that we should do all in our power to minimise the chances of diseases which only flourish by reason of absolute neglect on the part of authorities; for, I think, we should find that the number of cases would decrease rather than increase. These horrible diseases are far too rife already, and, under the present state of the law, there is absolutely no check to the production of numberless beings, unhealthy and unprovided for from the day of their birth. Think for a moment. Fifty years ago a man could follow his natural promptings, and could marry when he wished, and did marry early in life, and brought into the world a useful and healthy family. Now-a-days, are his instincts less strong?