verdict against the delinquents. A similar but less sensational trial at the Chalons-sur-Seine Assizes took place in May 1885. Lyons and the East of France seem to form the centre of the Anarchist agitation, but there are groups of them in most towns of France. The Anarchists prefer the black flag to the red as "l'emblème lugubre des colères populaires." Both colours were displayed at the procession of some 56,000 Socialists, following Cournet and Amoureux to their burial on the 24th of May 1885; and their threatened display shortly after, at the funeral of Victor Hugo, nearly produced a conflict between the Anarchists and the authorities. The refusal of the Government to allow the unfurling of the black flag was accounted for by the Anarchist organ, the Révolte, by saying that the friends of order see in it "le spectre de la liquidation sociale." The Anarchists, as a body, take no part in the elections, by advice of their leader, Elisé Réclus.*

The Collectivists form the main body of the Socialist army. They are far more numerous though less noisy than the Anarchists, whom they affect to dispise on account of their "tigrish fervour."+ Whilst acknowledging that a social revolution is unavoidable, the Collectivists studiously abstain from violent measures, which they justly regard as premature attempts sure to end in complete failure. They look beyond social dissolution-the only thing aimed at by Anarchists-to social reconstruction, "au lendemain de la révolution ?" Like the German Socialists they endeavour to use universal suffrage for their own party purposes, and to use the platform at elections, as well as the tribune in the Chamber, for the purpose of intensifying class differences and weakening respect for established rights and institutions. All the articles of the Collectivist creed are taken from the text-books of German Socialism— this does not refer to the Collectivism of Collins, not here under consideration-translated or adapted for French use; so much so, indeed, that M. Leroy-Beaulieu, in his lectures on Collectivism, delivered at the Collège de France, and since published in a volume, scarcely notices any native authorities on the subject. Practically the Collectivists, taught by experience that the working-classes,

* The Anarchists do not form one compact body; this would be contrary to their principles. There were in Paris some twenty groups known to the police at the beginning of this year, besides others in the provincial towns.

"These tempestuous agitators," says Adolphe Smith, in his paper on the French workman's party, read before the Remuneration Conference," represent but an infinite minority, and are honeycombed with police agents, who egg them on to every extravagance so as to supply a pretext for their imprisonment." This is confirmed by the confession of M. Andrieux, who acknowledged, in the French Chamber, having himself, when in office, subsidized an Anarchist paper out of secret service money. He was significantly silent when it was stated that the International Congress at London, for which Prince Krapotkin underwent five years' imprisonment, was got up in the same manner and under the same auspices by an enterprising agent provocateur.

though numerous, could not make a stand against the military forces of the blue republic, have resolved for the present to abandon the "barricades for the ballot." Their ultimate aim, indeed, is acknowledged to be "the nationalization of everything,' and the erasure of "every vestige of the present competition, and the individualistic system,"-in short, the introduction of the Socialist State, "where everyone will work according to his capabilities and receive according to his requirements." In the meantime they readily accept "mésures transitoires et d'acheminement" towards that end. For example, in the 19th article of the Economic Section of the last Electoral Programme issued by the party, we find a demand for the

Intervention résolue de l'État dans les diverses branches de travail privé, atéliers, companies, banques, enterprises agricoles, industrielle, commerciale-d'abord pour imposer aux employeurs des cahiers du changes guarantissant les interêsts des travailleur et les interêsts collectifs, ensuite pour transformer progressivement toutes les industries bourgeoises en services publics, Socialistes, dans lesquelles les conditions du travail seront réglées par les travailleurs eux-mêmes.

Thus the distinguishing characteristic of this body is the coolness with which it pursues its objects, what it calls "fractioner notre but"; in fact, it claims to be unique in its contempt of sentimentalism and "chimères généreuses," and in its determination to look to advantages to be gained immediately by means of temporary expedients and political manœuvres.

We have already shown that practically the small sect of Guesdists or Impossibilists differ scarcely in theory from the main body. They are also called Marxistes on account of their close relation to the late head of the Internationale, and the smallness of their number may be partly accounted for because they fraternize with the German Socialists more freely than the rest, and are opposed to Chauvinism. But as often happens with sects most akin in sentiment, the antagonism between these frères ennemis is most virulent. The Guesdists pride themselves chiefly on their superior literary productiveness; they are certainly most prolific in disparaging epithets applied to their former companions in Both are a match for each other in attacking the common enemy, the capitalist, and equally determined on "l'expropriation de la bourgeoisie capitaliste," to be followed by "la socialisation des moyens de production," either on the ground, to use the words of Guesde and Lafargue in their Programme Socialiste, that it is "l'expropriation de la minorité spoliatrice au bénéfice de la majorité spolié"; or in the words of B. Malon, representing the other party, "pour eviter le servage qui resulte fatalement de la feodalisation du capital." Of the two the Possibilists are the most astute in using the machine of State, as a means to an end, confidently looking forward to the time "when it shall have been

arms.

used up," and "relegated to a place in the Museum of Antiquities." The Impossibilists, less wise in their generation, are more ready to put their hands into the wheels of the machine to mend or to mar it, even at the risk of having their own fingers crushed in the enterprize. The mode of procedure of the former is boldly to prefer requests. If they are granted, it strengthens the party for future operations; if not-and the weakest of administrations must meet some of them with denials-the refusal forms a basis for denouncing the Government, and so by degrees undermining its. authority and hastening on the dissolution of society.

The Socialist body in France, considered as a whole, then, may be described as a loosely-formed square, the respective sides of which represent the four factions-we omit minor varieties-into which French Socialists are divided, simultaneously attacking society, and maintaining intermittent cross-fires among themselves. This precludes a uniform plan of action. There is no cohesiveness in the operations of the Socialist army as a whole; its pioneers, in their endeavour to undermine society, never cease quarrelling and fighting with each other. During the last electoral campaign, though scrutin de liste widens the area of the battle-field, and affords many opportunities of coalition without compromise of principle, the practical effects in producing common action among Socialists. have not been encouraging. A coalition between Blanquists and Guesdists was brought about; but an attempt to unite all Socialists in one body, under the name "Union Revolutionaire," at the preliminary, and again at the secondary ballots, proved futile; nor were the commemorative speeches of the leaders of the several groups round the grave of Blanqui in the following year more successful in this respect. The excessive individualism of the French character, its restiveness under control, its impatience of party discipline, its inability to distinguish between questions of principle and lesser differences in their practical application, added to the inexperience of the ouvrier in association-which legislation ever since the Revolution, and until quite lately, has persistently discouraged-all these are so many obstacles to effective organization in a country where, perhaps, every workman is inclined towards Socialism, and a country, too, which for the last hundred years has been foremost in the production of Socialist programmes and risings.

Under such circumstances, and in view of the imperialistic tendencies of the French, one master mind might control the whole and weld into massive and harmonious strength the weltering elements of discord and dissatisfaction. But at present there is no first-rate leader of sufficient breadth of view and concentration of purpose to gather into one the scattered forces of social

discontent. The biographical sketches, published by the Cri du Peuple and the Prolétariat, of the candidates of their respective lists on the eve of the last general election show this sufficiently. Many of them, as there described, are eminently fitted for the post of leading detachments, as generals of division, but there is no commander-in-chief who has the necessary power "d'enrégimenter les séparatistes."

As to the numerical strength of the followers, the sum total of all who profess and call themselves Socialists, that cannot be easily ascertained. On the whole, however, it is calculated that the number of votes recorded in favour of a plain Socialist programme may be estimated at 100,000 to 115,000. This may be called the effective strength of Socialism. There are the camp-followers and hangers-on at the flanks and in the rear, as well as a considerable number of malcontents who have to be taken into account; and among them we find enumerated in the Prolétariat a large number of "pétits patrons" and "pétits boutequiers," petty tradesmen and handicraftsmen, doing business on their own account, who depend for custom chiefly on the working classes, the former suffering from competition with wholesale trade and commercial companies, the latter suffering from strikes and other causes affecting unfavourably the purchasing power of the clientelle, and who are, therefore, drawn by sympathy into the movement. In the same article of the Prolétariat are mentioned a considerable number of young men of birth and fortune, who have voluntarily become declassés in their pursuit of a higher social ideal, having joined the crusade against supposed social wrongs, and marching on the same route with the Socialists. This is "la grande armée en paletots, en blouses, en bougerons, et en vestes," on which the organ of the largest body of Socialists relied in anticipation of the late elections. Events have proved that their allegiance cannot be always depended upon, though upon occasions of great popular excitement, as in 1849 and 1871, they help to swell the ranks of the party of action. Besides these M. Leroy Beaulieu assures us there is a legion of crypto-Socialists and unconscious adherents of Collectivism. There are, moreover, its advocates, like Vaillant,* a Blanquist, and Chabert, "le doyen des orateurs

* It was he who advocated the revival of the assize of bread, and again, in respect to public works, under the name of Grande Traveaux, the nine Social Democrats, acting with Vaillant, have made four proposals: 1st. To hasten forward the public works already decided upon by the Municipal Council. 2nd. To impose all sanitary regulations required to maintain the health of the workers and the population generally. 3rd. To entrust the execution of all public works to workmen's associations or trades unions, the town to supply these associations with the necessary means of production, but to impose the payment of wages on a scale not below that of the town tariff, and the day's work be limited to eight hours. 4th. All new public works and improve

du parti" in the municipality, the Council of the Seine in its Socialistic tendencies corresponding to the Dublin Corporation in its Nationalist proclivities. There are the secret and avowed abettors of Socialism in the Chamber of Deputies, like Camélinat and Basly. Thus, in spite of appearances to the contrary, it is true, within certain limits, that "le prolétariat socialiste grandit et s'organize." A striking proof of this was afforded last year by the unexpected events at the Congrès national des Syndicats Ouvriers, to which we have already alluded. Though originally called together by the instrumentality of the Moderates, who even took care not to invite some of the unions known for their revolutionary proclivities, the tone and tenor of the speeches made and resolutions passed at this congress were most violent in their revolutionary tendency. The Government had contributed 5,000 fcs. by way of subsidy, and the departmental and town councils had added 2,000 fcs. each in addition. Yet at one of the meetings the tricolour was torn and the red shred of it mounted on a pole, by way of hoisting the red flag, and this with the approbation of the chairman and the loud applause of those present, including the delegates, representing some 700 syndicates, and a large number of people, of whom 2,000 could not find room in the building. Such expressions as "À bas les capitalistes!" "La terre à personne, ses fruits à tout le monde!" were received with loud acclaim in the course of the deliberations of the congress, while the last resolution passed, demanding "La socialisation des moyens des productions comme moyen d'acheminement vers la société égalitaire dans laquelle chacun produisant selon ses forces recevera selon ses moyens," was passed by an overwhelming majority, and received with prolonged applause.*

ments to be carried out in the popular or working-class districts of Paris, instead of in the rich quarters. It will be remembered that at the meeting convened last July, in the Cirque d'Hiver, on the proposal of the Metropolitan line of railway, approved of by the Municipal Council, but not passed in the Chamber of Deputies, after Lockroy's departure from the meeting where he was insulted, Vaillant exclaimed: "La séance radicale est levée, la séance socialiste commence!" and the meeting broke up singing La Carmagnole. To this influence, also, must be attributed the late vote of 10,000 francs in favour of the strike at Cholet, now terminated in favour of the men.

* The following is an extract from the Address contained in the Compte Rendu Officiel of the Congress, p. 374 seq. :

Address du Congres national ouvrier, représentant plus de 700 chambres syndicales, au peuple travailleur, votée à la dernière séance du Congrès.

TRAVAILLEURS,

Le Congrès national vient de clôturer ses travaux. Pour toutes les questions à l'ordre du jour, les délégués, représentant plus de 700 chambres syndicales appartenant á diverses écoles socialistes, ont conclu que le prolétariat ne devait et ne pouvait attendre son émancipation de ses adversaires de classes qui, sous diverses formes politiques se succédant depuis un siècle, ont nié les principes de la Révolution française. Les bourgeois sont ce que les événements les obligent d'être, tour à tour monar