PAGE . . . . . . ADAMS, Rev. Coker 461 The Writings of Gustav Freytag 80 On the Killing of the Chimæra 395 768 Practical Tory Administration 565 BANFIELD, Frank The Eruptive Force of Modern Fana- 268 BLAZE DE BURY, Madame The New Electorate in France and the Men of the Third Republic 219 Keats' Place in English Poetry EBRINGTON, Viscount, M.P.. Parliamentary Procedure 125 831 607 25 FARQUHARSON, H.R., M.P. Cobden's Dream FLORIS, Chas. L. Comfort and Safety in London 313 166 System in relation to the Church 685 Extension of the Episcopate. 799 Our First Amphictyonic Council. 251 Decay of British Agriculture . 297 A Reply to Lord Randolph Churchill 441 857 515 779 267 Latest Phase of French Socialism 355 Tory Foreign Policy Sixty Years Personal Experiences of Bulgaria. 626 LYMINGTON, Viscount, M.P.. Richard Jefferies, and the Open Air 242 MAVOR, James. The Trade Malaise and its Causes 637 676 . NORTHCOTE, Sir H. Stafford, Bart., M.P. . The Marquess of Wellesley and the Poetry and the other Fine Arts . 202 Mercantile Ireland and Home Rule. 617 The Last Days of Windsor Forest . 106 Protection of National Industry. 173 Donatello's Work at Florence 59 A Visit to a Kerry Nationalist 790 Conservatism and Female Suffrage 735 Pauperism, Distress, and the Coming Peasant Proprietors in France, 1787 PRYDE, Thomas , . . . VERNEY, Lady. Correspondence 139, 289, 429, 582, 722, 871 591 133, 281, 422, 575, 716, 866 , 521 710 THE NATIONAL REVIEW. No. 55.-SEPTEMBER, 1887. MR. GLADSTONE'S CONCESSIONS. THERE can be no doubt that Mr. Gladstone's so-called concessions have operated to the advantage of his party in recent bye-elections; and candidates fighting under his standard have made especial use of what he is supposed to have conceded with regard to the retention of Irish members at Westminster. Sir George Trevelyan presents the most striking illustration of the effect produced by these concessions. So completely have they captivated him, that he has lost all patience with other Liberal Unionists who refuse to join him in his renewal of allegiance to Mr. Gladstone, and heaps reproaches on his former associates. They must (he says) be Tory Unionists, and only poor Tory Unionists into the bargain; traitors to the sacred cause of Liberalism, and contumacious rebels against the divine right of the Liberal party to rule the country. Moreover, they are wilfully ignoring or misrepresenting Mr. Gladstone's explicit declarations. That a statesman “with such a past” as the late Prime Minister should have been rebuffed when holding out the hand of friendship to effect a reunion of the Liberal party, fills Sir George with humiliation and indignation. And he is amazed that any Liberal Unionist leader should hesitate to enter into conference with a politician so simple and straightforward, so plain-spoken and invariably lucid in his meaning as Mr. Gladstone. A few reflections, therefore, on the real extent and value of these concessions, which have entranced Sir George, may be offered by a Liberal Unionist, to whom even the disruption of the Liberal Party appears to be a light calamity, when weighed in the balance with the disruption of the United Kingdom. There were four main points in Mr. Gladstone's Irish policy of last year, about which division arose in the Liberal ranks. They were (i.) the employment of British credit for buying out Irish landlords, and the consequent liabilities imposed on British taxVOL. X. 1 |