other hand it was contended, that however strong might be the fraternal affection which the prince bore towards his brother, and how ever deep and sincere his conviction that he had been unjustly and harshly treated; yet that he would have hesitated to take a step which the remembrance of the public sentiments and feelings at the time the investigation into the conduct was on foot, must have convinced him would be highly unpopular, if not absolutely dangerous. The prince, however, and his advisers in this business had weighed the matter well, and formed a more true and just estimate of the steadiness and consistency of popular feeling than the opponents of the duke. There were, indeed, several circumstances which operated decidedly in favour of the duke of York, and which had cooled in no slight degree the public indignation against him, and their predilection for his accuser. The latter had done all that his enemies could have wished, and more than without his assistance they could have effected, to destroy his own popularity; and in proportion as his own popularity and credit were destroyed, the crimes of the duke of York were by some forgotten, and by others disbelieved, or thought to have met with more than adequate punishment. When, therefore, it was officially announced in the Gazette, that the prince regent, in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, had been pleased to appoint the duke of York commander-in-chief, scarcely a voice was raised up against it. Lord Milton, indeed, in the house of commons, in the first warmth of his surprise and indignation, gave no. tice of a motion on the subject: but he appears afterwards to have cool ed; and when he did make his mo tion, it was supported by very few; while many who had before inveighed against the duke of York in the most decided and violent language, read their recantation, and pronounced their belief in his innocence. It was amusing and instructive to observe the conduct of the opposition and reformists on this occasion. The former, knowing that the act of the duke's reinstatement came from the prince himself, and that in no light, and under no pretence, could it be considered or represented as proceeding from ministers, either were silent, or attacked the measure in very feeble and measured censure. The reformists, having openly and repeatedly declared their belief that the prince was an enemy to corrup tion, and that he would always respect the wishes of the people, had not courage or principle sufficient to read their recantation by blam ing him for the reinstatement of his royal brother. Besides, they had panegyrized the prince, there is reason to believe, more from the hope of enticing him over by praise to their views and principles, than from the conviction or proof that he was actually already so inclined; and they apprehended that, if they withdrew their praise, they should sacrifice all probability of accomplishing their object. The only men who acted a consistent and undisguised part on this occasion were the ministers :-they had always declared their opinion, that the duke of York had been unjustly accused, and that his reputation was sacrificed to the clamours and prejudices of the people, raised by the most foul and base means. Such men, therefore, were equally led by duty and inclination to second and forward the prince's wishes and plan for the reinstatement of the duke; and they accordingly, in parliament, stood boldly forward and defended the measure. On this occasion, and on several others which we shall afterwards notice, ministers appeared, even to those who disapproved of their general principles and measures, much more consistent and trust-worthy than their opponents. They gained on the good opinion of the public; while the other party sunk in the esteem and confidence, and raised in the breasts of many a feeling very nearly allied to contempt. The nation at large viewed the reinstatement of the duke of York with great indifference, so far as it regarded bim; but with some thing like dissatisfaction and disappointment, in so far as it indicated the principles of the regent. It was pretty generally believed, that the duke had received such a lesson as would effectually keep him within bounds for the remainder of his life; and the British public, who, when not inflamed or led astray by passion and prejudice, always view with a candid eye the failings of their princes, having forgotten or disbelieved his crimes, were not sorry that his punishment should cease, But though they were disposed to make all due allowance for fraternal feeling and partiality, yet they would have been better pleased, had the regent not been so forward to reinstate his brother, This feeling, however, soon wore away; and had the prince's conduct in all other respects indicated a determined enmity to corruption and favouritism, his popularity would not have essentially or permanently suffered for his interference in behalf of the duke of York. While the prince has been regent, many measures and appointments have taken place, completely at variance with his former political principles and conduct; but as he was considered as acting in these merely in the name and on the behalf of his majesty, ho accusation or suspicion of change in his opi nions could justly or fairly be brought forward. It was indeed asserted by the opposi ion, that in some particular cases he ought to have acte i from himself, or at least have prevented his ministers from taking such measures, or making such appointments, as were decidedly hostile to his own views; and they confidently foretold, that if he ever did interfere, it would be for the purpose of rewarding public merit, and of displaying to the nation unequivocal proofs that he was still the enemy of corruption, and still adhered to his opinion, that government was only for the people. These advocates for the prince's consistency were not abashed, silenced, or alarmed at the reinstatement of the duke of York; they acknowledged it to be the act of the regent himself; but they traced it to fraternal feelings or prejudices, not to political or public motives; and on this point, as has already been remarked, the nation were disposed to be as candid and liberal as the prince's friends. But another event took place, which staggered the most sanguine admirers of the regent; and which, by the opposition, was deemed so fatal to their high hopes of hini, so opposite to their predictions, that they refused, against all evidence, to trace it to him. By the death of gen. Fox, the office of paymaster of the widows' pensions became vacant. He who holds this office has nothing to perQ 3 form: form: he has only to receive his was not aware of the nature of the situation he bestowed on his fa vourite; he could not have known that in benefiting him he was injuring thousands; otherwise, the goodness of his heart, if not the purity of his principles, would have discovered some other method of serving his friend. We have thus carried on the history of the regency, from the introduction of the bill for that pur pose, till the prince was invested with the powers which ministers thought fit to allow him to possess; and we have also endeavoured to lay before our readers, not only the expectations which were formed of the prince by the different par ties in parliament and the nation, but proofs sufficiently explicit and ample, how far those expectations have hitherto been fulfilled. In justice to the prince, however, it should be added, that he has suf fered more by the injudicious and extravagant praises of his friends, than by any want of merit of his own. When we take a comprehen sive and impartial survey of the manner in which he has passed the greater part of his life; of the men with whom he has principally associated; of the amusements and pleasures to which he has been devoted; and of the total seclu son from business of all kinds in which he has been kept, we shall find ample excuse for indolence and indecision of character; and we shall be more apt and disposed to lament and apologize for, than to censure, any fickleness or unsteadiness of political principle or conduct which may be observed in his public life. It should also be remarked, that if he has actually gone over and given himself up to the present ministers, his former friends Was friends are not a little to be blamed: -they certainly have lost, in a great degree, the confidence and good will of the nation; and it too much to expect that the prince should still adhere to them, after the nation had seen reason to leave them. It is not uncandid or unfounded to maintain that the people prefer the men who would assist the Spaniards; who would not crouch to America; who would uphold instead of shaking the national credit, to the men who call for the evacuation of the peninsula; who are constantly repeating, in the very face of former predictions proved to be false and groundless, that we cannot stand there against the power of Bonaparte; who, in the adjustment of our disputes with America, would compromise our glory and honour for the sake of reviving our commerce; and who at the same time are endeavouring to strike a fatal blow at that commerce, through that paper credit, which is an evil, but, it is to be feared, an unavoidable evil. In all these points, the voice of the nation is for the present ministers, compared with the opposition; and it should not therefore be matter of reproach to the prince, that he has gone along with the nation. But there is another most vital point, wherein the opposition possess and deserve more credit and confidence with the nation than the ministry; the preservation and tranquillity of Ireland; and here it behoves the prince to remember his former friends, and above all to place before his constant and profound contemplation the principles and conduct of Mr. Fox. In no respect has he so much in his power; nor can he so decidedly prove that the good of the people is uppermost in his heart. CHAPTER VIII. Proposed Division of the miscellaneous Events and Transactions of our domestic History into those which relate to civil and religious Liberty, and those which relate to the Commerce and Finances of the Country-Short Sketch of each— Review of the Proceedings in the Court of King's Bench, in the Case between Sir Francis Burdett and the Speaker-Opinions and Division of the Judges-The Case of Sir Francis and the Serjeant at Arms-Indifference of the Public with respect to this Cause noted—and with respect to Parhamentary Reform-Causes of this Indifference-Remarks on the Motions in the House of Lords and House of Commons on Ex Officio Informations-State of the Law of Libel in this Country-Vague and loose Objections to the Mode of proceeding by Information-The Introduction of a Grand Jury proposed in Cases of Libel-Special Juries too much resorted to-Different Doctrines held by the Attorney General with respect to the comparative Guilt of the Autber and Publisher-Trial of the Editor of the Examiner-Trial of Mr. White-Remarks on his Case-On the Hardship of confining a Man in a distant Gaol -Motion in the House of Commons respecting the State of the Press in India. HE miscellaneous events and tain, during the currency of the may very the domestic history of Great Bri- luminously arranged under two di points that may justly be regarded as connected with the liberty of mankind. stinct and leading heads. Under the first head will naturally fall all those events and transactions which illustrate, relate to, or affect the The second great division of mis state of civil, political and religious cellaneous transactions and events, liberty in this ingdom. Under the connected with the domestic his second grand division may be placed tory of Great Britain, will com all those events and transactions prise points not less interesting or that have refe eace to the commerce important, though not so numerous. of Great Britain. Consistently with The circumstances that gave rise this division and arrangement, the to the appointment of a committee first head will comprehend the pro- of the house of commons, to inceedings in the court of king's quire into the embarrassed and low bench relative to the arrest and state of commercial credit; and imprisonment of sir Francis Bur- the report of that committee, first dett, by the order of the house of in point of time, at least, call for commons: the proceedings that our notice and record. The detail took place in different parts of the which we gave in our last volume, kingdom on the subject of parlia- of the discussion on the bullion" mentary reform: the attempts that question, will be followed out in were made in the house of lords this volume by the rise in the noand house of commons to check, minal value of the dollar; a meaor at least to investigate, the prac sure imperiously called for, but at tice so commonly pursued by the the same time a glaring and decisive attorney-general of proceeding, proof, that those who went along in cases of libel, by ex-officio infor- with the bullion committee, in their mations. Closely connected with general views, reasonings and conthis branch may be considered the clusions, were undoubtedly right. most remarkable trials for libel The notice of lord King to his during the year: and, to sum up and tenants, considered in several points close this part of the first great di- of view, as legal, as prudent, as vision, the discussion in parliament just, as patriotic; and the conse relative to the state of the freedom quent bill of lord Stanhope, at of the press in India will require first shunned, or rejected as notice. The bill which was intro- necessary by ministers, and afterduced into the house of lords wards adopted and carried triby lord Sidmouth deserves and umphantly through both houses of demands considerable attention and parliament, will form most proinvestigation, as it created great minent and important branches of alarm and apprehension among all this head. Of inferior moment and parties and denominations of pro- interest, though still very worthy testant dissenters, by most of whom of investigation, are the questions it was considered, whether justly or regarding the granting of licenses, not, we shall afterwards inquire, as viewed as the means of increasing the insidious beginning of a system or supporting the influence of miof intolerance and persecution.-nisters; and as injuring our own Under this head, also, we shall trade, and benefiting the trade of the throw the consideration of the ques- enemy; and regarding the patriottion respecting the assassination ism and policy of abstaining from of tyrants, as it involves several the consumption of all foreign ar un |