maxim applies with the greatest propriety and force to all legislative interference in those things which are naturally regulated by the self-interest and worldly prudence of mankind,-to all interference, on the part of government, with every branch of political economy, and most especially to that branch of political economy which concerns the circulating medium of a state, where that circulating medium depends entirely on public credit. Lord Stanhope's motion, we conceive, was not called for: it could do no real good; and it might do much positive mischief. His bill, and all measures of a similar nature, may be compared to buildings erected across a river to prevent a stream, constantly accumulating and increasing in force, from carrying all before it :-they may delay the ruin; but, as they serve to delay it, they also serve to swell the stream; and therefore, when it does burst, they will assuredly render its destructive power more dreadful and extensive.

We have had occasion, more than once, in our form.er volumes, to advert to the system of licenses. The national evils and the individual hardships resulting from it were this year, amidst the distress of our commerce, so great and manifest, that the merchants of Hull drew up and presented to the board of trade a very spirited memorial on the subject. It appears, indeed, very contradictory and absurd to have issued, and to be acting upon, the orders in council, in general, and yet to be constantly infringing these orders by the granting of licenses. The spirit and intention of the orders in council first issued in 1806, and so often since modified and enforced, were to prove to France that we could do without

trade to the continent; but that she could not do without the colonial produce and manufactures of Great Britain. This country set out with a proud bravado, that if the_comparative strength of Great Britain and France were to be tried by their respective ability to do with out trade and commerce, we were willing to enter the lists; and not only to enter the lists, but actually to assist France in carrying her views and intentions into execution. Our ministers exclaimed, that France would be the first to yield, while this country would come out of the trial untouched. What then ought to have been their conduct? Most assuredly, they should have prohibited all commercial intercourse with France: instead of this, while Bonaparte would not admit our colonial produce or manufactures, they granted licenses for the importation of French produce. At present, we shall say nothing against this system of granting licenses, on the ground of the patronage it puts in the hands of ministers. There are sufficient objections against it in a commercial point of view; and these objections increase in number as well as force, from the peculiar situa tion in which the commerce of Great Britain is now, and has been for the last two years, placed.— Though the primary and controlling cause of the high price of gold and silver, we are convinced, arises from an over-issue of paper money, yet this evil, undoubtedly, is increased by the necessity we are under of purchasing the commodities of our enemy with bullion, instead of interchanging them for our own commodities, as formerly. While this traffic is continued, France suffers very little, whereas we suffer greatly: but this traffic

could

could not be carried on unless licenses were granted. If, therefore, our ministers still adhere to. the opinion, on the strength of which they issued their orders in council, that France would suffer much sooner, and much more deeply, than this country, from the cutting-off of commercial intercourse, why do they keep it up? why do they not make the enemy feel the full pressure of his own system by the only effectual mode, the absolute prohibition or cessation of every species of trade with him? It may justly be suspected that ministers are suspicious of the truth and soundness of the opinion they advanced indeed the very circumstances, cn which we build our claim to superior manufacturing skill and perfection, if examined closely, will be found to prove that England must suffer more than France from the interruption or destruction of commerce. In this country, the load of the national debt, and the expenditure, rendered it necessary that the labour of every man, who does labour, should support not only himsel, but also contribute to the fund from which the debt is paid, and the expenditure defrayed. If, therefore, by the stagnation or destruction of commerce, the labour of an individual is interrupted, not only he suffers, but the national revenue is decreased; whereas, in France, if the labour of an individual is cut off by the stagnation of commerce, the evil does not spread nearly so wide. We certainly ought, however, to adopt and carry through one sy

stem; either to exclude entirely all commercial intercourse with France, or to put it on its old footing: in every point of view, the wavering system of licenses is bad, and in no respect worse than as it creates a suspicion that ministers are afraid of our revenue suffering; and thus affords Bonaparte reason for persevering in his plan of excluding our produce from the continent.

From a review of the whole of our commercial history during the year 1811, it is impossible to draw any flattering or cheering expectations. There is yet no appearance that our trade will get back to its former flourishing state; while the produce of our taxes must decrease. Bonaparte, no doubt, has many evils to combat and suffer, while, he is inflicting these wounds on our commerce, and these are occasionally so great, that he is obliged to relax, and depart from the rigour of his anti-commercial system: but the relaxation is only for a season; and as it creates more variation and uncertainty in the state of our trade, it may be questioned, whether, on the whole, it is of advantage to us. It is to be observed, too, that when the relaxation ceases, the prohibition is stricter than it was before; and that every year he can persevere in his scheme of excluding our goods from the continent, the continent will become more habituated to the exclusion, and Bonaparte will be more competent to devise methods to render the exclusion more complete.

HA

AVING taken a comprehensive though brief review of those events, transactions, and circumstances which are connected with the domestic history of Great Britain during the year 1811, as they naturally divide themselves into such as respect the commerce, and such as respect the liberty and civil rights of the country, a most important but certainly not a pleasing or cheering task now remains. We allude to Ireland; to that portion of the empire, which, in every point of view, and at all times, may safely and justly be regarded as forming our great bulwark against the designs of the enemy; from which, if she is well disposed towards us, we may derive great ad. vantage and assistance, if the hour of peril should come; and from which, if the minds of her inhabitants are alienated from us, much calamity, if not utter ruin, may, at the same hour of peril, be poured in upon us.

We are aware, that even in treating of the history of Ireland during the year 1811, especially if, as would be proper, we should preface the history of this year by a retrospect; and much more, if we indulge in those observations and reflections, and refer to those fundamental principles, without which

history is of little utility, and cannot school men into wisdom or happiness, we are treading on delicate ground. We shall have many prejudices to encounter and overcome; we shall expose ourselves to obloquy and reproach. Party feeling and sentiment, regarding this country, is so strong and alive, so much on the alert and look-out to brand all moderate men with the opprobrious epithets either of enemies to liberty or enemies to Great Britain, that it is foolish to expect to escape without animadversion. But the task must be performed; and to perform it in the best and most effectual manner, in such a manner as shall at once present an accurate account of the state and proceedings of Ireland during the year 1811, and unfold the causes of that state and those proceedings, the real cause and seat of the evil, and the remedy for it, will require that we should go a little back, and connect what is the more immediate object of this part of our volume, with a very brief sketch of the state of Ireland since the close of the American war.

Before, however, we enter upon this sketch, we may be allowed to pourtray the character of the country and of the inhabitants; in order that by pointing out their value we

may

may put in our apology for wishing, above all things and almost at any concession, to reap the greatest possible advantage from them.

The country of Ireland, whether we regard its soil or its climate, may vie in point of natural fertility with the richest parts of Great Britain. Nature seems to have formed it after her choicest model:-it is indeed, in many parts, disfigured by marshes and bogs; but where these do not exist, there is no draw back to fertility. When we reflect on the produce it actually yields; on the number of inhabitants it supports; on the stores of provisions with which it supplies our army and navy; and take into our consideration that all this is the effect not of superior industry, skill, and capital applied to agriculture, but that these are the unbought riches of nature, which she gives out with little or no assistance from man; and in many cases, even in despite of his ignorance, poverty, and sloth; we may form some faint and imperfect idea of what Ireland would be, were the industry, capital, and skill of the ablest British agriculturists applied to her lands. If we may be allowed, in forming this estimate of the character of the country of Ireland, to take into account the beauties of its scenery, and the mildness of its climate, as conducing to the health, the comfort, and the enjoyment of man, we shall still further regret that such a country is still in a state of comparative barbarism.

When we turn our thoughts and views from the consideration of the country of Ireland to the contemplation and study of her inhabitants, we are presented with still higher and more exalted proofs of the kindness of nature, and of the hostility of man. It is impossible to

sketch out the character of the Irish within a short compass, so as to do them justice, and render the picture distinct, complete, and like. They resemble no other nation under heaven: they have some of the features of most of the inhabitants of Europe: perhaps they come nearest to the French: but the gaiety and sprightliness of the Irish is not so heartless as that of the French. They manifest evident and undoubted proofs of great warmth of heart and openness of manners; they are eager to be well treated, not so much from a view to their own self-interest, as from an anxiety to have some object on whom they may pour out their expressions of gratitude. But they have also feelings nearly allied to those just described in their origin, but widely differing in their nature and effects. Warm and open in their friendships, they are impetuous and violent in their enmities:-in short, so far as manners and disposition are concerned, they may be deemed a people who have the elements of politeness and affection about them, which might easily and fully be called out by proper treatment and nurture; but, comparatively uncivilized as they are, they are either concealed, checked, or converted into harshness and violence.

It is hardly necessary to take much notice of a remark which is often in the mouths of those who are ill-disposed to the Irish. By such people the constant affrays in which the Irish are engaged; their fondness for quarrelling, riots, and bloodshed, and especially their avenging themselves in a concealed manner, by methods that to an Englishman appear dishonourable, are cited as proofs that the Irish are naturally bad: by naturally, they R3

mean