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that we had the start of them all; and heat the present moment, the accounts not could not entertain a doubt but that the having been made up; but from what he combined operation of pre-eminent skill, had mentioned, it was evident that the credit, capital, and industry, would pre- improvement in the revenue of Ireland serve to us the superiority which we now had been even greater in proportion than possessed. that of Great Britain.

Mr. Addington then adverted to the state of the sinking fund, which he considered as one of the most powerful instruments by which the country had been enabled to cope with and surmount its greatest difficulties. When that wise and salutary system was first adopted, the sum applied to the reduction of the national debt was about one-tenth of its interest, | which then amounted to near 10,000,000l. Such, however, had been the happy operation of that system, that, at the present moment, when the amount of the interest is 18,000,000l. the sum applicable to the reduction of the debt is 6,000,000l. which, instead of one-tenth, is equal to one-third of the interest of the existing debt. The sum of 6,000,000l. was thus annually thrown into circulation, and was daily operating towards the improvement of our agriculture, the encouragement of our manufactures, and the extension of our commerce. The effects of this system were thus diffused in numberless channels through the whole body of the country, improving its resources, invigorating its strength, and gradually enlarging its means of prosperity.

Having stated circumstances so highly favourable to the revenue, the commerce, and the future prospects of Great Britain, Mr. Addington said, that it was impossible for him to refrain from troubling the committee with a few words on a subject of no less interest and importance, and which could not fail to afford the utmost satisfaction to every gentleman who heard him-he alluded to the rapid increase in the prosperity of Ireland. In considering the sources of this happy change, he could not hesitate to declare his decided conviction, that its primary cause was to be found in the important measure of the incorporation of the two kingdoms. Of this he thought there was abundant and substantial proof, though other collateral circumstances might probably have contributed to produce it. He had the satisfaction of being enabled to state, that in August last the revenue of Ireland had been found to exceed that of the corresponding period in the former year by the sum of 920,000l. He was not enabled to inform the committee what was the excess

He then observed, in answer to some apprehensions which had been expresed in a late debate, that our finances might not prove equal to a permanent establishment so large as the present; that it was to be recollected, this was only the establishment of 1803, which it was not probable would increase, but might possibly admit of no inconsiderable diminution. He had not stated that our revenues (augmented as they had lately been) were equal to the support of all the establishments on such a scale as that of the ensuing year; but he had said that, with strict economy, a military establishment far greater then had ever been known in time of peace, and not very much inferior to the present, might be maintained by the revenue of the country, supposing its future produce to be in proportion to that of the three last quarters. To illustrate this statement, he would assume that a reduction to the extent of 1,000,000%. might, at a future time, be made in our military expenses. Deducing this sum from the army estimates of the present year, and allowing 500,000l. for extraordinaries, the expense of our military service would amount to 5,200,000l. For the naval service in its different branches he should allow 4,230,000%., a sum capable of maintaining a force nearly double of that which had been kept up in any former peace. For the ordnance he should allow 800,000l., which rather exceeded the sum voted this year; and for the miscellaneous services of the united kingdom, including the Irish permanent grants, 1,300,000. The total amount of the joint contribution would in that case be 11,530,000l. Adding 500,000l. for the separate charges of Great Britain to the British proportion of the above sum, the total to be provided by Great Britain would be 10,533,000l. To meet this expense we might reckon on the following ways and means:

The usual annual taxes amounted to 2,750,000l. The surplus of the consolidated fund, estimated according to its produce in the three last quarters, 7,845,000l.; and the lottery 500,000l. The total of these sums was 11,095,000l. exceeding the supplies he had stated by upwards of 500,000l. To this might be

added the contribution from India of 500,000l. a year; for he was convinced that his right hon. friend who lately presided in the Indian department, was fully justified in the confidence he had expressed in the solidity and progressive improvement of the resources of the East India company. He added, that this opinion was not hastily formed, for that he had recently thought it his duty to investigate the grounds upon which it was founded with all the minuteness and attention in his power.

Mr. Addington said, that he doubted not the committee would participate in the satisfaction with which he contemplated the result of the facts he had thus laid before them. But however sanguine might be our hopes, however well-founded our expectations, we ought not to give way to feelings of disappointment if they should not hereafter be realized to their full extent. Our minds should be made up to the result, whatever it might be. Should greater expenses prove necessary, the means of providing for them must be found. Should unforeseen difficulties present themselves, they must, and he had no doubt they would, be met with the firmness and spirit which they called for, and by which alone they could be surmounted. No one would deny that a frequent recourse to loans in time of peace would be injurious to the interests of the country. The estimate of our permanent peace establishment could not as yet be ascertained with precision; but he could not too often repeat, that at all events our revenue must be made to meet the demands of our expenditure.

Mr. Addington, after apologizing for having detained the committee with statements so much in detail, which, however, on such a subject, appeared almost unavoidable, requested their attention for a short time longer. The statement which he had made had chiefly been confined to matters of fact, and had required little illustration. He had hazarded no conjectures, except on grounds which appeared to him to be solid and substantial; and he was unwilling to trespass farther on the indulgence of the House, by entering into a detail of the causes which he conceived to have led to our present prosperous and flourishing condition: he should only say, in general, that much of it was to be ascribed to the eminent talents which had lately presided over the finances of the country;-much to the wisdom

and fortitude of parliament;-much to the good sense and energy of the people. For himself he claimed no merit but that of having adopted the system, and of having endeavoured to follow the example which was before him. But he would venture to appeal even to those who had indicated no little asperity in commenting on his general conduct, whether he was justly chargeable with having shrunk from the financial difficulties of the country. It seemed to be admitted on a former night, that, during the continuance of the war,it could not be imputed to his majesty's present servants that they had neglected to prosecute it with energy and vigour.

Mr. Addington then adverted generally to the situation and prospects of the country, which appeared to him to afford abundant ground of satisfaction and hope; and concluded with moving, "That towards raising the supplies there be granted a sum of 4,000,000l. out of the growing produce of the consolidated fund." The motion was agreed to.

Debate in the Lords on the Malt Duty Bill.] Dec. 13. On the motion, that this bill be read a first time,

Earl Spencer reminded the House, that this was the first bill of supply which had been offered to their lordships' consideration, in this first parliament which had been called since the Union; he therefore thought they should hesitate in letting it pass a single stage, before they had received more information as to the state of the country. It had been customary at every former period, to lay more precise information before parliament, of the state of the country with respect to its foreign relations, than had been done at the opening of the present session. He thought it strange, that those ministers who made the peace, and had given such strong assurances of its continuance, should now demand such a large establishment, without assigning sufficient reasons. He had heard it whispered, that it was partly through fear of offending France, that the usual communications had not been made to parliament; if this were true, and ministers had allowed themselves to be influenced by such unworthy considerations, they did not deserve to retain their situations a single hour. It had been, however, supposed that they were governed by that principle, both in the affair of Napper Tandy, and of count D'Auvergne.

Lord Pelham said, that in the latter instance, the French government had released count D'Auvergne as soon asap. lication had been made for that purpose by the British minister, and the conduct of government with respect to Napper Tandy, was occasioned by circumstances very different frem a fear of offending France.

The Earl of Carlisle supported the opinion which had been given by earl Spen

cer.

The Duke of Norfolk differed from both the noble earls. He thought the circumstances of the times were notorious enough, to justify ministers in proposing an increased establishment.

Lord Limerick justified the conduct of ministers. He thought peace had been necessary for the recovery of our strength, and he hoped before war was renewed, the disturbances which had existed in Ireland would be at an end, and the people of that country reconciled to the mild government and free constitution of the country.

Lord Grenville thought the House could proceed no farther in the bill, without information from his majesty, as to the causes which called for an extraordinary supply. It had been the invariable usage for the last hundred years, for the crown to demand such supply, and to state its reasons, before parliament voted it. The House had now no information that could warrant them in granting extraordinary supplies; they could not even guess whether ministers intended to keep Malta and the Cape of Good Hope, or to surrender them; and therefore could form no opinion about the probability of immediate war.

The Lord Chancellor replied, that the present bill was not for an extraordinary supply, but one of the usual supply bills, brought in at the beginning of every session. He contended, that public notoriety was a sufficient ground for parliamentary proceeding: he could not pretend to state positively, the words used by any other of his majesty's ministers: but he could positively say, that he never was of opinion that the peace was an advantageous one; but it was still better than continuing the war with. out object or possible advantage. The bill was read a first time.

Earl Spencer addressed their lordships at considerable length, on the ground that he had before touched upon. His objections to the establishments, for which the supply of the year was to be voted, were reduced to three heads; first, he objected to the manner, as being to be raised without that communication from the crown to parliament which was usual and necessary; secondly, he objected to the extent of these establishments; for if it was necessary to have 130,000 soldiers, besides our militia and volunteers, 50,000 seamen could not be sufficient; and his majesty's ministers were blameable in reducing the number from 70,000 to 50,000; thirdly, he objected to the probable application of such a force from a firm conviction, that the present administration had not sufficient judgment and energy of character, to use it to advantage. At a time when France was every day extending her empire and her resources, ministers had disbanded our army, and diminished the number of sea

men.

He agreed perfectly with a noble friend of his, that in an administration he looked to the men, as well as the measures: as to meas ures, every body would allow, that buying a good gun was a good measure for the defence of a house; but it was an important consideration to whom that gun was entrusted. If we were at sea at a time of impending danger, it would be well to hear that the ship was sound; but it would be full as important to hear that the pilot was skilful.

The Earl of Suffolk condemned the conduct of the late administration in the whole of the war; and praised that of the present administration, whom he thought deserving of the confidence of the nation; and who should therefore receive his support. He alluded to the conduct of the late administration, with respect to confining persons for a long time, whom they suspected of treasonable practices, but whom they never brought to trial.

If it

The Lord Chancellor, with great warmth, declared, that he would sooner suffer death upon the spot, than hear the conduct of the late administration aspersed upon that head without confutation. was criminal, he was as deeply criminal as they, and the only reason for pursuing a different conduct now was, that the country was under different circumstances. He also approved of the conduct Dec 15. On the motion, that the bill of the late administration during the war, be read a second time, and had always supported it: the peace

had been approved of by that great character, whom the opposers of the bill had so highly extolled (Mr. Pitt), and he was much surprised to hear the same noble lords, who so highly admired that exalted character, express opinions so very different. With respect to the present situation of Europe, he felt as an Englishman must feel, but would consider it inconsistent with his duty to give any detailed information upon the subject.

The Earl of Carlisle said, his principal objection to the establishment proposed was, that it was to be voted altogether on the credit of the minister; which was a degree of confidence not to be found on the records of parliament. He was not guided in his opposition by any paltry motive of obtaining place or power; but if in the hands of other ministers, the ambition of Buonaparte was likely to receive a greater check; if the tone and spirit of the country were more likely to be supported under the management of men of greater talents, and of more elevated minds; he must wish to see the government of the country in the hands of such men. He therefore voted against

the bill.

The Earl of Darnley expressed his doubts, whether such a force as had been proposed, could be safely trusted in the hands of the present ministers; he considered the ambition of Buonaparté to be so gigantic, that he would never be satisfied till he forced the doors of the Bank of England with his legion of honour, and planted his flag upon the tower of London. Against such an enemy, this country should employ its ablest ministers.

Lord Hobart denied that government had compromised the honour of the country, either in the affair of Switzerland, or in any other respect. He stated, that a greater force than that which was now demanded had been entrusted to ministers in 1801 he complained that some noble lords who had promised an active and zealous support to the present administration, had, on the contrary, honoured them with an active, constant, and zealous opposition; which increased in proportion as they gained the confidence of the public.

The Duke of Norfolk expressed his surprise at the opposition of some members of the late administration, to the present measure: the person who was at the head of that administration, resigned his situation at a period which called for

He

the exertion of his great talents. was sure that the conclusion of peace had given general satisfaction; and that the majority of the nation wished for its continuance. He concluded by declaring his confidence in the present administration.

Lord Grenville commenced an animated speech, by denying that he or any of his noble friends wished to stop the supplies: they wished, that according to parliamentary usage, a message might be sent from his majesty to the House, to inform them of the causes for which an increased supply was necessary. Such a message might be sent down the next day, and then there would be no delay in passing the bill: at present the House was ignorant whether the establishment proposed was for peace, for war, or for preparations of war. There were abundant precedents of the line of conduct which ought to have been pursued. George 1st did not hesi tate to tell his parliament in the first speech from the throne, after the conclusion of a peace, that that peace was insecure and precarious. In such a case, parliament knew what they were about, in voting the military establishments. As to a charge of inconsistency brought against him and his friends, he must reply, that he supported the present ministers as long as he could approve of their conduct. It was not till after the convention with Russia and the peace of Amiens, that he found himself obliged, in honour, to withdraw that support. After those events, he had no confidence in the wisdom of their councils. He did not wish to pry into the arcana of government; but he, and every noble lord who heard him, was constitutionally entitled to those communications which had been hereto. fore uniformly made. The power of France had, since the peace, been regularly increasing; while that of this country had been impaired. He had a right to ask ministers the reason of this change of system, or to infer that they were acting on a most unwise and impolitic system. He considered the idea of waiting for the changes which time might bring about, as completely ridiculous.

The Lord Chancellor expressed his regret, that ministers had lost the confidence of the noble lord. Were he at liberty to declare the circumstances which governed the conduct of ministers, in the measures they had adopted, he was convinced the noble lord would agree with

him, that they were influenced by the best considerations for the prosperity of the empire.

Lord Pelham rose for the purpose of replying to some points of lord Grenville's speech. He thought, that if in his lordship's opinion, the present ministers were so unworthy of confidence, it would have been his lordship's duty to go further than in making speeches in opposition; he ought to have moved an address to his majesty for their removal. He had never coveted office; he assumed it with no other view than for the service of his country, in a critical and awful period. He acted to the best of his judgment, and did not wish to hold his situation a moment longer than he enjoyed the confidence of his country. He concluded by stating that no charges of incapacity in ministers could be a reason for not passing the present bill.

Lord Minto agreed in the objections that had been made by other noble lords to votes of supply, or their being offered to the House without the usual information. He strongly suspected that the honour of the country had been compromised with respect to Switzerland. He believed it was after a remonstrance made on the part of this country, that Switzerland was invaded; and yet ministers never gave any information to parliament upon this subject, though often asked for it.

The bill was then committed.

Protest against the Matt Duty Bill.] Dec. 15. The following Protest was entered on the Journals:

Dissentient,

"Because the constitutional argument which was urged for suspending the grant of any supply, until the accustomed communication had been made from the crown to parliament, rests on two propositions drawn from the law and usage of parliament and from the very essence of the British constitution.-First, that no grant of supply can in any case be made to the crown, except in consequence of a previous demand for aid. And secondly, that such demand must not only describe the general services for which the aid is asked, but must also specify whether those services are calculated on an expectation of peace or of war, or of preparation for

war.

"These two propositions have been invariably adopted in the practice of our constitution. No instance has yet been [VOL. XXXVI.]

alleged in which they have ever been violated, except in the present case, and their maintenance is essential to the discharge of all our most important duties. If parliament can alone decide upon the amount of the supply to be granted, it is obvious that parliament must be informed of the extent and nature of the services which that supply is to defray; a question which must always essentially depend on the probability or certainty of peace or war.

"For the solution of this question we are now referred to public notoriety alone. We answer, that the constitution of our country entitles us to more authentic information; that such is the course which the law and usage of the parliament have established; and that, unless the uniform practice of our ancestors be adhered to in this respect, we can neither satisfactorily regulate our own conduct, nor judge as we ought of the measures of government.

"But we deny that any notoriety as to the point in question does in fact exist. The dangers of the country are indeed sufficiently notorious; but parliament is yet to learn by what system of conduct the king's government proposes to avert or to encounter those dangers. The determinations of the ministers, as far as we know them, have been uncertain and fluctuating, their councils undecided, their measures inconsistent, and their language contradictory. We are called upon to provide for an establishment large beyond all former example; but we have not yet been distinctly told, not even in debate, much less in the constitutional way of communication from the throne, what is the purpose for which it is intended to provide whether this be a peace establishment calculated to last until the power of France be reduced or her ambition satiated; or whether it be a measure of temporary preparation which is to apply to some actual pressure, or to support some depending negotiation; or lastly, whether it be intended to meet the imminent danger of immediate war, and to resist the continued growth of that power which hourly threatens our own destruction.

"In this situation, yielding to no men in duty, loyalty, and attachment to the crown, and feeling more anxious for the immediate adoption of all practical means of defence, in proportion as our sense of the impending danger is greater, we are [4 D]

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