Page images
PDF
EPUB

plause and gratitude of the country, for the prudence with which they had carried on the negotiations, and the unexampled secrecy with which they had concluded them. He was persuaded that the House would concur in the satisfaction expressed by his majesty at the convention concluded with the Powers of the North. The termination of the difficulties which had unhappily subsisted had been effected, by providing against the recurrence of the abuses which had taken place in the exercise of those rights which constituted the basis of our maritime greatness. The luxuriant harvest with which the country had been last year blessed, would, he trusted, not prevent the House from being actuated by the conviction, that economy in the consumption of its produce was the only mode of guarding against the danger of scarcity in future. When he looked forward to the blessings of peace, he could not help attributing the praise of it to those ministers who, during a period fraught with every danger, had, by the vigour of their measures, protected the country, not only from the avowed attempt of its foreign enemies, but from the secret machinations of its internal foes. He should conclude by moving, "That an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this House, for his most gracious speech from the throne:-To assure his majesty that we learn with great satisfaction that the differences with the Northern Powers have been adjusted by a conven. tion with the emperor of Russia, to which the kings of Denmark and Sweden have expressed their readiness to accede, and that preliminaries of peace have been ratified between his majesty and the French republic:-That we acknowledge his majesty's goodness in having been pleased to direct copies of these treaties to be laid before us, and to assure his majesty that we shall not fail to apply our immediate attention to the important transactions to which they relate :-That we are fully sensible of the paternal solicitude which leads his majesty to regret the necessity of large additional supplies. But that while we sincerely participate in that sentiment, we feel the indispensable duty of providing for the expenses which must for a time be unavoidable in different parts of the world, and of maintaining an adequate establishment on the final restoration of peace:That we shall be anxious for the adoption of all such economical arrangements as

may not be inconsistent with the great object which his majesty has so justly at heart, of effectually providing for the security of all his majesty's dominions:That we truly participate in the gratification which his majesty has so graciously been pleased to express at the relief which the bounty of Divine Providence has afforded to his people by the abundance of the late harvest; and we acknowledge with the utmost gratitude, his majesty's gracious acceptance and approbation of the proofs of that temper and fortitude which have been manifested by all descriptions of his subjects, under the various and complicated difficulties with which they have had to contend :-That we reflect with sentiments of just exultation on the distinguished valour and eminent services of his majesty's forces by sea and land, which at no period have been surpassed; and that we have contemplated with the utmost satisfaction the unprecedented exertions of the militia and fencibles, and the zeal and perseverance of the yeomanry and volunteer corps of cavalry and infantry:-That we most heartily congratulate his majesty on the naval and military operations of the last campaign, and in the glorious and successful issue of the expedition to Egypt, marked as it has been throughout by achievements which, in their consequences, and by their example, cannot fail to conduce to the lasting advantage and honour of this country :-That we cordially share in his majesty's earnest wishes that his subjects may enjoy in their full extent the returning blessings of peace, in the progressive increase of the national commerce, credit, and resources; and, above all, in the undisturbed possession of their religion, laws, and liberties, under the safeguard and protection of that constitution, which it has been the great object of all our efforts to preserve, and which it is our fixed determination, as it is our most sacred duty, to transmit unimpaired to our descendants."

Mr. Wodehouse said, he joined in the general joy expressed upon the subject of a treaty of peace with France, in which the security of the country was amply provided for, and its interests firmly maintained. He rejoiced at the convention with the Northern Powers, in which the rights of Britons were maintained with undeviating firmness. Every one must feel elated at the glorious termination of a war, which was not begun for

the purpose of gratifying the ambition, or extending the territories of Britain; but which she was compelled to commence for the purpose of preserving her dearest rights. He was convinced of the necessity of a considerable supply, which he had no doubt would be cheerfully voted. Gentlemen must be aware, that a much larger peace establishment would be necessary than had hitherto been known in this country, from the alteration which had taken place in the face of Europe. He was convinced, however, that nothing would be asked for by ministers, which was not absolutely necessary to the security of the kingdom. To our brilliant successes by sea and land, he must pay his tribute of admiration: they had been most glorious and unexampled. To one man, however, he more particularly yielded the palm of admiration: he alluded to the gallant Abercromby; to whose bravery, judgment, and skill, must peculiarly be ascribed those successes which immediately led to that happy termination of the war which we were now called upon to celebrate. The achievements of the British arms had immediately led to the happy event of peace, and ought to be regarded with every testimony of applause and approbation. Peculiar praise was also due to those who had seized the happy moment for negotiation, and who, without being elated by success, had founded upon it claims that at once united a proper dignity and a happy moderation. The advantages which would accrue to the people of England from the measures which had been pursued, were obvious. Their commerce would be enlarged, their interests benefited, and their prosperity and happiness materially increased.

Mr. For said, he wished it distinctly to be understood upon what ground he should that night give his vote. Whatever difference of opinion there might take place relative to the terms of the peace, or its general tenor, or the manner of concluding it, he most cordially and unequivocally joined in the general joy and exultation to which the conclusion of peace had given rise. He congratulated that House, and the country, on the happy event which had taken place, and which had called forth a general sentiment of applause. He only wished to add, that he should give his decided approba tion of the address by his vote.

Mr. Pitt said, he rose to deliver, in a

few words, his opinion in concurrence with what had already been delivered on the important subject now before the House, and upon which he was glad to have the prospect of unanimity, a thing which was not common even on the first day of a session. He said he would not enter at large into the transactions now before the House, and which his majesty: had announced from the throne, either as to the pacification which had been con cluded with the Northern Powers, or the signature of the preliminaries with France: when either of these topics, and particularly the latter, should be brought forward for discussion, he hoped he should be found to agree with the hon. gentleman who had just preceded him, and that they should both express their approbation of that measure, although it was an appro bation which would proceed, perhaps, from different reasons. This was not the season for the regular discussion of either, and yet he was anxious to declare the outline of his sentiments on both these measures, which he saw, upon the whole, with great satisfaction; and he would add, that whatever criticism might be applied to inferior parts of these great transactions, or to whatever criticisms they might be liable, they were, on the whole, such as afforded matter of great joy to the country, and entitled the government which concluded them to esteem and thanks. There was another topic on which he would slightly touch-the termination of the war had been accompanied with honour to us; for it had given proofs of vigour and energy beyond any former war, and of achievements more splendid, if possible, than any which adorned our history before this period.

Mr. Windham said: Sir, it is a very painful task to me to declare my sentiments in opposition to those with whom I have long agreed. But as the address proposed to the House does not go to pledge us to any specific approbation of the measure of peace, it is not now my intention to enter into a consideration of the question of the terms; especially, as future opportunity will be presented, when I may state to the House those reasons upon which I found my disappro bation of them. It is not, therefore, my intention this day to give my negative to the proposed address, but to wait for the day of discussion, when I shall go more fully into the subject; at the same time wishing to be understood, that, in agreeing

[ocr errors]

But,

to the motion of to-day, I do not feel the joyous ringing of the bells. myself pledged to support any future were they the signs of any real good? motions upon the subject. This point the effects of any well-founded national being secured, Sir, I should be inclined joy? or rather, were they not the lights to leave my opinion, and the reasons that were to light up our sepulchre, and which are to support it, to be stated in the knell which was tolling us to our that debate which may be expected graves? I cannot consent to appear in shortly to take place, if the declarations iny wedding-garment, until I know wheof opinions in favour of the peace did not ther the feast to which I am invited, be seem to me to require similar declarations really a wedding or a funeral. Sir, I on the part of those who find themselves speak in perfect plainness and sincerity, compelled to condemn it. Other reasons from the bottom of my heart, and with also make it necessary to say a word or the solemnity of a death-bed declaration two even in the present stage of the (a situation much resembling that in which business. To dissent from any prevalent we all stand), when I declare, that my opinion, to be a solitary mourner in the hon. friends, who, in a moment of rashmidst of general rejoicing, to wear the ness and weakness, have fatally put their face of sadness while the countenances of hands to this treaty, have signed the others glisten with joy; to be sunk in death-warrant of their country. They dejection and despondency, while others have given it a blow, under which it may are animated with the most brilliant languish for a few years, but from which hopes, is to be in a state which every one I do not conceive how it is possible for it must be anxious to explain, so far, at ever to recover. I feel how very unplealeast, as to make known the general sant it is to deal in predictions, which I -nature and character of such an extraor-who make them most devoutly wish may dinary difference. The House has seen, never prove true. I know also the unand can perfectly understand that those certainty of all human affairs, and am not who are united in feeling may, neverthe- profane enough to set bounds to the disless, be perfectly opposite in sentiment. pensations of Providence; but as far as An instance, Sir, may be seen this very any hope now appears,any hope which night: the hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. can be rationally acted upon such as Fox), and my right hon. friend near me, any man would venture to avow, I can both agree in rejoicing and exulting in see, though anxiously I look for it, no the present peace, though, I presume, on possible means of escape.There is but reasons widely different. It is my for- one thing which could enable this country tune, on the other hand, to agree with to counterbalance the power of France the hon. gentleman opposite in his opi- on the continent; and this is our navy, nions, but to differ from him wholly in which depends upon our commerce and his feelings. I do think, with him, that navigation, as these do upon our colonial this is a glorious peace for France; but I possessions. On the other hand, there is nevertheless do not agree in feeling either but one thing wanting to them to make with that hon. gentleman or my hon. their empire universal as well by sea as friends. This, Sir, may serve to explain by land; and that is, that they should the cause of that diversity which I unhap-have our commerce and navigation, and pily find between my own opinions and those more generally prevalent in the country. If I have not partaken in the rejoicings, it is because I have not been able to convince myself that there are any real or solid causes for rejoicing: it is because I fear, that, before many years shall pass over our heads, this rejoicing will be turned into repentance and bitter sorrow; it is because I dread that the advantages which peace may bring will be transient and unsubstantial, and be followed, at no very distant period, by the commencement of endless calamity and ruin. I have seen all around me bonfires and illuminations; I have heard

"

through that, a mean of re-establishing their marine; this is now given into the hands of France, and the consequence seems to me inevitable. Only one thing more, Sir, I shall notice, which is drawn from me by what has fallen from the hon. mover or seconder, and is, I believe, also to be found in the address. It is the calling of this an honourable peace. I would suggest to the hon. gentleman, and all who are to talk in future upon the subject, that the less is said of the honour of the thing the better. It is, besides, highly impolitic in the hon. gentleman in another view. They are undertaking more than they are required to do.

Much as I think of national honour-tuous guardian of the constitution, and to esteeming it as I do the very life and soul of the politics of all great countriesI will, for the sake of argument, in the present case, lay it entirely out of the question. I will be content if the hon. gentleman will show me, that this is a safe peace. Give me safety, and I will ask nothing more. If, however, my hon. friends were driven to it by fatal necessity, it must be a sufficient justification. Whether such imperious circumstances existed, we shall hear on the day of discussion. It will certainly be wrong to condemn it prematurely; I shall therefore wait patiently for that discussion, which will clear up the matter to the satisfaction of the House.

Mr. Chancellor Addington said, he hoped that his right honourable friend would pardon him, if he expressed an opinion that he had gone into rather more minuteness than the question now before the House called for, even in his view of it. The observations of his right hon. friend were (he would pardon him for saying so) a little premature; that subject was not now before the House; even in his majesty's speech from the throne, there was expressed no other sentiment on the peace, but such as was conveyed by these words: That his majesty trusts the arrangement" will be found conducive to the substantial interests of this country, and honourable to the British character." In this address there was no reference whatever even to that sentiment so conveyed, from the throne. Indeed, it would be irregular and indecorous to ask of the House an opinion upon a subject not fully before it. His right hon. friend very well knew the preliminaries of peace had been signed on the part of his majesty and the French republic, but the terms were not before the House. His right hon. friend had entered into the subject of the peace, however, and had expressed some lamentation over it. He should not now follow him in answer to what he urged; although he might, in some measure, regularly do $0. Nor should he enter into any dispute now upon the general proposition laid down by his right hon. friend; not because he was unprepared, but because another opportunity would offer for that purpose. He should then enter on the discussion with his right hon. friend; but he should do it under a painful feeling; for painful it was to differ in opinion from one who had proved himself to be a vir

whom the country was under deep obligation for many great services, particularly when he warned that country of its danger when its safety was at stake. His right hon. friend had said, that we ought to consider the extension of our commerce as the only counterbalance in our power against the extension of territory of the French republic. He would not now refer to the terms of the peace; but he would aver, that all that we had given up, would have afforded to us no sort of security against the danger which was apprehended by his right hon. friend. He did not agree with his right hon. friend on the subject of the extent of the power of France, and of our mode of balancing that power; for he thought the best counterpoise of this country, against the growing power of France, was in the preservation of our constitution. To our industry and skill, to our frugality and temperance, much was to be also confided;-to the right direction and preservation of what remained of the faculties, abilities, and resources of the country (and happily much indeed remained of such resources), much was to be looked for as a security for us in time of peace, for a continuance of its blessings. It never was in the contemplation of those who had the honour of advising his majesty to sign the preliminaries of the peace, that what they did was the effect of necessity. His right hon. friend had stated, that some unknown necessity might have been the cause-I disclaim that plea (said Mr. Addington)-I will be no party to such a statement. I do not seek my own justification, nor will my colleagues, I am per suaded, seek theirs in any such way-that would be really undervaluing the resources of our country. If instead of acceding to the terms agreed upon, and which are likewise soon to be finally settled, the enemy had made it necessary for us to continue the contest, we should, I am confident, have continued the contest; and I am confident also, that we should have proved to the world that we have still sufficient faculties and resources to maintain the honour and preserve the security of the British empire. I could not forbear saying this; for the purpose, chiefly of disclaiming that species of justification which my right hon. friend supposed to arise out of necessity. I hope my justification, and that of my colleagues, will be found in the actual state of things, in

which, I trust, it will appear, we have had a prudent regard to the true interest of our country; and I aver also, that if we had not advised his majesty to conclude these terms we should not only have been wanting to our constituents, but have been guilty of a gross dereliction of our duty to his majesty.

Mr. Sheridan said:-I shall certainly vote for the address which has now been moved, because, it was not, as is usual on such occasions an exact echo of the speech from the throne. The speech contains distinctions and characters of the peace, which, if they had been re-echoed in the address, I, for one, could not have supported. The Address as it now stands does not appear liable to any great objection, and I have no wish to disturb the unanimity of our vote. Notwithstanding the unanimity, however, I sincerely be lieve, that if this were the time for men to deliver their opinions, there never was a period of less real unanimity. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) has spoken of the peace in terms to which I can by no means agree. I differ from him in every expression by which he characterised the peace as glorious and honourable. Still more do I differ from those who contend that it was inexpedient to make peace at all. This, Sir, is a peace which every man ought to be glad of, but no man can be proud of. It is a peace involving a degradation of the national dignity, which no truly English heart can feel with indifference. It was a peace, which the war had a tendency to lead to, as its necessary result. The war was one of the worst wars in which this country was ever engaged: and the peace is, perhaps, as good as any man could make, under the circumstances in which the country was placed.

punishment those who had plunged the country into the war and brought the con. stitution into danger.

The motion was agreed to nem. con.

The King's Answer to the Commons' Address.] To the Address of the Commons, his Majesty returned this Answer :

"Gentlemen, I thank you for this du tiful and loyal address. The sentiments it conveys are fresh and satisfactory proofs of that attachment to my person and go vernment, and of that regard for the honour and interests of this country, by which your conduct has been invariably distinguished."

Oct. 30. Lord Hawkesbury presented, by
Copy of the Convention with Russia.]
his Majesty's command, the following

TRANSLATION of CONVENTION between his
Britannic Majesty and the Emperor of
Russia, signed at St. Petersburgh the
5-17 June 1801.

In the Name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.---The mutual desire of his majesty the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, being between themselves with respect to the not only to come to an understanding differences which have lately interrupted the good understanding and friendly relations which subsisted between the two states; but also to prevent, by frank and precise explanations upon the navigation of their respective subjects, the renewal of similar altercations and troubles which might be the consequence of them; and the common object to settle, as soon as can be done, an equitof the solicitude of their said majesties being able arrangement of those differences, and an invariable determination of their principles upon the rights of neutrality, in their application to their respective monarchies, in order to unite more closely the ties of friendship and good intercourse, of which they acknowledge the utility and the benefits, have named and chosen for their plenipotentiaries; viz. of Great Britain and Ireland, Alleyn lord his majesty the king of the United Kingdom baron Saint Helens, his said majesty's privy counsellor, and his ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his majesty the emperor of all the Russias; and his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, the sieur Nikita count de Panin, his privy Mr. James Martin concurred in apment of foreign affairs, present chamberlain, counsellor, minister of state for the depart proving the peace; but begged it might be understood, that neither this approba tion, nor this vote, was meant to convey an idea, that he did not wish to bring to [VOL. XXXVI.]

Earl Temple, though not thinking that there was any reason to rejoice at the terms, said, he nevertheless agreed in the general sentiment of the propriety of waiving, for the present, the discussion of the terms of the preliminaries, and of supporting the Address. But in giving his support to the Address, he by no means pledged himself to support the peace, which, considering its terms, he certainly could not approve of.

Knight Grand Cross of the Orders of Saint
Alexander Newsky, and of Saint Anne of the
First Class, of that of Saint Ferdinand, and of
Merit, and of the Red Eagle, and of Saint
[C]

« PreviousContinue »