are standing, in idea, on ground so immeasurably viewing and criticizing the acts of the busy world far back in the night of time, so as to fill the mind around him, not quite mingling with it, nor quite with awe?" How dreadful is this place!" Here, withdrawn from it. at as uncalculable a secular distance, probably from Among the most remarkable conclusions to the the first creation of organic life, as that is from the proceedings are some truly dramatic surprises, not last creation; here silence once reigned; the only always very agreeable surprises to ministers. At sound which occasionally broke the intense stillness Nottingham, Sir John Hobhouse counted upon a being the voice of subterranean thunder; the only quiet reëlection, with his independent but not danmotion, (not felt, for there was none to feel it,) angerous colleague Mr. Thomas Gisborne: Sir John earthquake; the only phenomenon, a molten sea, is at the very bottom of the poll; at the top is Mr. shot up from the fiery gulf below, to form the John Walter, son of the veteran politician who has mighty framework of some future continent. And just expired; next to him stands Mr. Feargus still that ancient silence seems to impose its quell- O'Connor, an actual chartist! Again, in Laming influence, and to allow in its presence the activ-beth, Mr. Hawes is ousted, to make way for the ity of nothing but thought. And the thought-city solicitor, Mr. Charles Pearson! Yet again, what direction more natural for it to take than to General Fox is ousted in the Tower Hamlets, and plunge still further back into the dark abyss of de- fluent Mr. George Thompson is returned by an imparted time, till it has reached the First or Efficient mense majority. What triple humiliation! InCause? stead of Captain Carnegie, Stafford sends Mr. Urquhart, by many accounted a prophet, by Lord Palmerston an impostor.

ELECTIONS IN ENGLAND.

Some other changes are less unsatisfactory. LiverALTHOUGH the elections are not literally half over, pool, which was represented by Lord Sandon and a large and important section is by this time pretty Sir Howard Douglas, has returned Mr. Cardwell, well completed, in the English cities and boroughs. a rising member of the liberal-conservative party, Thus far the results have, on the whole, been as and Sir Thomas Birch, a real liberal. Mr. Hardy satisfactory as could well be expected. Liberal is well replaced at Bradford by Colonel Thompson; opinions have prevailed; but in certain cases a Mr. Fielden, of Oldham, cedes to Mr. W. J. Fox, pretty strong sense has been enforced upon the can-who can at least effuse more telling speeches. didates that something more than a nominal liberal-And perhaps ministers will not be without a sense ism would be expected from them. Conservatism of relief at learning that Lord Ashley takes Mr. is bland and liberal. Toryism has absolutely dis-Roebuck's place at Bath; though Mr. Roebuck will appeared, or shows itself only in the purely theo-be sadly missed by the readers of the debates, and retical shape of Lord John Manners or Mr. Smythe. by the people, whose real interests, as distinguished Even where there has been contest, it has been from popular delusions and prejunices, he watched conducted with singular mildness. London city set with so courageous a vigilance. in all ways a good example. There was no lack of earnestness. The utmost anxiety was felt by the friends of Lord John Russell; and they rallied so well, that he was kept from first to last at the head of the poll, the rush to the weakest part making that in effect the strongest. The next point of interest was the return of Baron Lionel de Rothschild; who was thought to be threatened by Mr. Masterman. The banker kept close upon the great capitalist; but the Hebrew won the race, at the expense of Sir George Larpent. Mr. Masterman is the only one of the four conservative candidates who is returned; and by no means a bad represen-didates have been returned because they had sat tative of trading London.

Westminster attracted attention because it was Westminster; otherwise the wild gallant who threatened to wrest the city from the Reform Association, and the ingenuous young nobleman who tried to insinuate a meek conservatism into the city, cajoled but not conquered by Sir Francis Burdett, would have passed unheeded among the multitude. Westminster returns two members of the orthodox "reform" stamp, a little above whig proof.

Thus far, it is difficult to discover any single thing upon which the elections have turned. No single principle appears to have availed very powerfully. In London city, it would appear, no definite decision could be had on any one point; if there was any such decision, it was that of the nonconformists, just before the election, on the subject of education, and was against Lord John Russell; but he is returned at the head of the poll. On the whole, the fact seems to be, that the four candidates were returned just because the general temper of the constituency was in their favor. In many places can

before, as at Portsmouth; or because they offered themselves, like Sir James Graham at Ripon; Sir Robert Peel was returned because he was Sir Robert Peel; and many other candidates were returned from a very simple feeling of approval.

The election, in short, has been very generally regarded as a ceremony which should as little as possible interrupt the course of improvement that parliament was engaged in. Liberal candidates felt it necessary to be warm in promises of forwarding that Tamworth was simultaneous with the metropolis, improvement; and even conservatives were obliged and might truly enjoy the oft-abused boast that it to adopt a similar strain. The inaction which seized had "the eyes of Europe upon it;" for Sir Robert ministers just before the election was not unnatural, Peel received a renewal of his tenure, and made a but it does not appear to have done them any real capital speech, using his opportunity well to estab-service at the hustings: they might quite safely lish in the next parliament a position of quiet com- have ventured on a greater show of efficiency. And mand. Sir Robert showed that he is still, in prin- it is evident that the inaction cannot continue. Parciple, strictly conservative: he improves to preserve liament is elected to go on; and if our present min-a theory not inconsistent with a very hearty and isters do not keep the lead, they will be thrust thoroughgoing assertion of free-trade doctrines. aside. The very election of a Jew as colleague of He declares his complete segregation from party, and the premier implies a more than whig decision and avers that he neither seeks nor desires office. There promptitude in removing the impediment that debars is something formidably ingenuous, disinterested, the great capitalist's ingress-a fresh inroad on and dispassionate, in the attitude of the sage and ex-" finality."-Spectator, 31st July. perienced statesman who is to sit in parliament |

From the Spectator of 31 July. THE PARLIAMENTS OF 1841 AND 1847.

THE late parliament began a career-not foreseen, not universally understood at the time-which will be continued by its successor. The experiences of the last will help us to read the horoscope of the

next.

and established the income-tax, as a locus standi or scaffolding for the purpose of taking down and rebuilding the tariff.

There was of course a loud outcry; but the anger was confined to the organized political coteries, whose fume and fury are apt to obtain a great deal too much attention. Standing in the front, they fill all our eyesight; and moving with an assumed or The parliament of 1841 did not do what it was self-excited agitation, they deceive us with a hubappointed for; it did many things which its makers bub that exists only in show. Like the stage chohad not set down for it. The reproach of "treach-rus, artfully crowding down to the foot-lights and ery" has been pretty freely cast upon it: the so- running to and fro with feigned tumultuousness, called treachery simply amounted to understanding, they seem a multitude, and conceal from view the when they came to be present, political necessities which were not understood before they were present. Ostensibly, on the most superficial of views, it betrayed the cause of "protection ;" but in reality it performed with tolerable correctness the duties which devolved upon it through the force of cir

cumstances.

blank tranquillity behind. It is soon known when the country is really roused: after the session of 1842, the country left matters to the parliament and the premier. The statesman at whose instance parliament acted became the most popular and the most trusted.

The next two sessions abated his popularity and That task was not the maintenance of protection. influence. He was new to his work. The session If we can find any statement of the question sub- of 1842 was a great beginning, and needed a respite mitted to "the country" at the time of the last to consolidate, at all events, his own trust in the general election, it must be in the mouths of those new order of things. Accordingly, the session party leaders who made the usual reference to the of 1843 was one of talk, not deeds of negation constituencies. The whig cabinet professed to rather than action, and was chiefly remarkable for make the appeal on their budget. But their chief its disruptions. The Irish arms bill was the ugly adversary refused to concur in the appeal on that triumph of ministers; the yielding of Sir James ground: he declined to put the issue on abstract Graham's educational clauses was their no less theories; he declined to be pledged for the main- ugly defeat. O'Connell staid away, and began that tenance of the corn-law; he declined to bind him- agitation which waxed formidable, until it was self to details; he insisted upon his right to con- shaken by his trial, and was finally crushed by the sider any measures that might originate with him- famine and his death. Scotland was torn by the self or come before him, according to the time and secession in her church In England we became the circumstances. What he did join issue upon aware that party was broken up; and amid the was the expediency of the particular measures then ruins was born"Young England"-like the little before him, the capacity of their authors, and most flower that rears its pleasing countenance amid the especially the amount of authority possessed by destruction of larger fabrics, protected by its mithem in the shape of public confidence. The nuteness and its innocence. The cries about Peel's "cries" at the election of 1841 were Free Trade" " deceiving" grew louder; the minister's influence and "Protection:" the sequel proved that the de- seemed to decline, because his strength was not felt cision was given, not upon those mere distinguish--he was no longer in action. ing war-cries, but upon the substantial question of The session of 1844 was abundant in irritation, confidence in the men. Virtually the late parlia- but more active. The bank charter act and the conment was returned to determine which should be version of the three-and-a-half per cents. were contrithe cabinet ministers, and to do the best for the em-butions towards the premier's commercial and fiscal pire that the circumstances would allow.

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policy; the dissenters' chapels bill, the charitable bequests bill, and the removal of some Catholic disabilities, displayed his liberal energy in a new direction; and although the session was accounted unsatisfactory, the minister had regained a large degree of the general confidence.

Had the parliament limited its action to the specific and obstructive duty imputed it, its existence would have been short: public opinion would have pronounced its doom before the first twelvemonth was out, and before the succeeding parliament was appointed the political atmosphere would have been This process was completed by the active session purified by a storm of agitation rather rougher than of 1845; which saw a further reform of the tariff that of the Anti-corn-law League. It is to the dis--the Maynooth endowment and new colleges in creet course taken by the parliament that we owe Ireland-the new poor-law, such as it was, in Scotthe peacefulness brought by the last six years. land-the removal of Jewish disabilities, (except a We do not, of course, mean to say that the parlia- modicum left for the benefit of Lord John Russell) ment proceeded deliberately, consciously, and avow--and an attempt to put the health of towns quesedly, on a systematic course of operations, as if tion in issue as a bill. it were a unity, and capable of single thought or action; but it was swayed instinctively by the prevalent feeling; and it is to what was upon the whole an honest and intelligent reliance on its own conviction that we owe the peace which it has bequeathed.

In 1846 came the Irish scarcity; and parliament accomplished its duty of dealing with free trade according to its conclusions, by finally repealing the corn-law. Sir Robert Peel relinquished power with his celebrated and not fruitless declaration of equal rights for Ireland-a vast concession, to be It is to that conscientious behavior that we must accepted as the final abandonment of tory or Orange ascribe the first act which drew upon the parliament ascendancy; and Lord John Russell came in to so many reproaches of "treachery:" in the very open the ports," and continue the administration first session, that of 1842, the parliament, whom so of affairs in 1847 as little differently as he could. many persisted to regard as appointed for the main- In the course of its six years' existence, parliatenance of the corn-laws, changed those laws, re-ment has had before it other questions of the utmost vised the import-duties with a sweeping alteration, importance-many branches of the labor question,

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such as protection of the helpless from the necessity | with freer opportunity. We do not place out of to undergo degrading labor, and limitation of work- sight the difficulties of the time, the dangers that ing hours; and the immense railway legislation. lurk in the future, the many weaknesses inherent Parliament found England in that condition which in the constitution and practice of parliament: these, sought vent in the riots of 1842; it has seen Scot- now waived, we will on occasion discuss; but we land distracted by a schism, and tranquillized; has are now comparing one parliament with another, carried Ireland through a real famine, without an- the past and the future, by the light of experience archy or even breach of national peace. Parlia- and analogy; and we say, there is no reason to ment has not always done the best that could have anticipate for the period on which we are now enbeen done, or anything like it; but upon the whole tering a history less beneficial to the country than it has always tried to do the best of which it was that of the period which has just closed. capable. It has preferred the interests of its kind and country to the interests of class or party, in a degree unprecedented; it has converted that preference, once an ornament of oratory, into a rule of practical conduct and if it must be modest in comparison with earlier parliaments illustrious for displays of eloquence or intellect, it has a right to say that it found out the true principle of wise legislation.

tion honest and intelligent purpose. We have ample resources whence to repair the losses of time and supply materials for our parliamentary history.

From the Examiner-a Whig paper.

THE PEEL MANIFESTO.

THERE is no flinching or trimming in Sir Robert Peel's address, no attempt to conciliate or propitiate protectionists or bigots; on the contrary, he seems disposed to subject them to that sort of unsavory discipline which dogs undergo under the name of "rubbing their noses in it." From beginning to end of the manifesto there is not an apologetic word. Sir Robert most emphatically asserts the necessity and wisdom of all the courses by which he has alienated his former friends and followers. He acts thoroughly upon the principle of being off with the old love before he is on with the new; and he takes his stand so upon the great points in dispute, as to mark distinctly and almost peremptorily that the breach with those who differ can never be repaired, except indeed by their conversion to his views.

We infer from this address that Sir Robert Peel intends to be thoroughly consistent in his future career-that having taken a new departure, he proposes to steer a course strictly accordant with the guiding principles he has adopted. We henceforth reckon upon finding him coöperating with liberal

took leave at Fishmonger's Hall in 1845, bequeathing his shield to Sir Robert Peel. Lyndhurst went out when Peel left office: his clear sense survives; his biting keenness yielded to time, and his last political sally was one befitting the benignity of years-his romantic attempt to reconcile old friends. Stanhope's existence may be learned from the peerage. Monteagle revels in the irresponsibilities of a green superannuation. Richmond and Buckingham, Rip Van Winkles of politics, cannot understand the almanacs, nor the newspapers, nor the events of the day, nor the countenances they meet, nor the voices they hear. Born to a sinecure instead of the camp, Ellenborough blazed his hour in the propitious sun of India, and reposes on the gates of Somnauth: he is his own monumental trophy, reclining in picturesque silence, while beauty perfects with its homage the symmetry of the group. Stanley, whose somewhat forward youth betrayed the public into the mistake that he was a powerful statesman as well as a sharp debater, is no longer baited like a mad dog to see if he will bite, but enjoys the repose due to his comparatively harmless character; having at last succeeded in convincing the people of their mistake. Lord Grey, the son of the reform bill Lord Grey, once attained repute as a colonial reformerhe is now colonial secretary. Lord Morpeth is growing very gray, and last session he forgot that he had a bill to carry, though it happened to be the one on which he had staked his reputation: how-politicians, and not unpleased with the fame and ever, people only laughed, for Lord Morpeth is such popularity he is likely to enjoy with that party. a good-natured old gentleman! These are gone, or He is not indifferent to reputation-no man of any going, a goodly company; pleasant fellows, some worth is; and he seems to have laid the foundation of them, in their day; smart, some of them were, of a new repute, and to be building it up with or accounted so; all busy in their time: and who great judgment and success. Bacon holds it hard grudges them a quiet evening or pleasant dreams? for a statesman to play an after-game of reputation; If many are gone, others are come: the long but Sir Robert Peel bids fair to play the after-game parliament has witnessed the birth or growth of to good purpose, and honestly, and to the public many a man who will bear his part right well in advantage. Upon his resignation we foresaw that years unseen. Strangely enough, at their head may he had the noble opportunity of building up a fame be counted Peel, in his new avatar; for he it is that which would blot out of view all past errors, and gave most life to the distinguishing spirit which in one short year he had done much towards the animates all the new men-practical improvement accomplishment of that work. The only qualificainstead of party combination. Richard Cobden tion we have to make to this praise is on the score began his parliamentary career in 1841, and in 1847 of some little want of generosity to rivals, not in enters on a new career likely to bring not less per- conduct and action, for Sir Robert has given his sonal distinction; especially if Cobden has turned support on all occasions calling for it most efficienthis travelled leisure to full account, and, free trade ly; but there has been a little deficiency of generbeing settled and disposed of, proves to be more osity in sentiment, though not in substantials-a than a mere free-trader. It was in the long parlia- grudgingness as to praise-a reluctance to acment that Lord Dalhousie earned his Indian gov-knowledge merit, which, in one rather disposed to ernorship; in the long parliament that Peel discov- exceed in laudation, indicates some feeling in reered the Lincolns and Sidney Herberts, who, born serve of no kindly nature. Yet all rivalries should amid old tory connections, had the faculties of be at an end, according to Sir Robert's avowal, head and heart required for rescuing their country for he declares that he has neither the intention nor from the exuviæ of defunct faction and showing that the wish to resume office or the leadership of a party. English gentlemen were not a fossil race with vital- It may be, however, that in avoiding the bad taste ity extinct. Among the new men we must persist of seeming to patronize his successors in power, in reckoning Lord Clarendon, whose Dublin address Sir Robert Peel may have fallen into the opposite evinces a spirit worthy of the period now opening error of appearing to "damn with faint praise." upon us. Of those associated with the long parlia- We should prefer this solution to one at the exment, and destined to impart life and intellectual pense of his magnanimity, or to the supposition that vivacity to the next, whatever the precise place the he has the common foible of a jealousy of those turn of events may allot them, are Disraeli, Smythe, who enjoy the power he has abdicated professedly Osborne, and other young or youngish men of free forever. This is not a mere personal consideration. spirit. Strangely placed among the new men is Sir Robert Peel's character and conduct were never Lord George Bentinck-a bran new imitation of old so important to the country as now, and the sertoryism, raised like a “ruin" in a citizen's garden, vices he may render depend greatly on his magnato amuse if not to edify. Nor are we without a nimity. The great part which he may play for his number of grave practical men, full of knowledge own fame, and his country's good, cannot be played and vigor, like James Stuart or Lord Redesdale-with any petty feelings. It requires greatness of of a no less earnest sincerity, like Lord Wharncliffe spirit, the complete extinction of the paltry rivalor Lord Ashley-who bring to the work of legisla-ries and jealousies, and that he shall sympathize

heartily with those who are maintaining sound prin- | that it was not prepared for freedom, and so possiciples, obnoxious to clamor, and steadily pursuing bly to afford a pretext for Austrian intervention. a policy conducive to the public welfare. Sir Rob- The mere absudity of such a project is no suffiert Peel is in the position of the great umpire of the cient ground for disbelief. Hitherto Italian politics present divisions, and the umpire's first duty is to have almost uniformly been of a bookish nature: dismiss from his mind all personal biasses and re- the friends of liberty have derived their inspiration pugnances. from literature, and have shaped their tactics on literary models; and although the opposite party might be supposed to possess the worldly experience derivable from a practical acquaintance with affairs, in point of fact they shared the genius of the country, and acted less upon practical experience or clear scientific knowledge than upon tradition and dogma. The practical style of administration and reform introduced by Pius the Ninth is a startling innovation, which even the more intellectually active liberal party was slow to comprehend or appreciate; and we must not wonder if the conservative party of Italy remains still in the region of bookish politics.

FRANCE.-The political horizon in France is gloomy enough. Everything looks unsettled, without any definite purpose to animate the people, control their turbulence, or open the view of beneficial results. The spectacle presented by the Court of Peers, sentencing two peers and ex-ministers, with two gentlemen of respectable station, to penalties for degrading and mercenary offences, is melancholy. Not that it is without elements of consolatory reflection: if corruption has reached such high places among our neighbors, we also note a vigor of justice which could scarcely be enforced in this country; there is a completeness, a thoroughgoing firmness, a neatness, in the criminal procedure against the offenders, which such a case in England would hardly display. That such a scandal should happen among ministers and peers in this country, may be less probable than we find it to be in France; but if it were to happen, most certainly it would be "hushed up.'

We need not crow, then, while we deplore the extent of the corruption among our neighbors. For these trials have not laid the whole bare. The assertions of M. Emile Girardin remain unanswered. And the Courrier Français professes to be in possession of a new set of charges similar to those about the Gouhenans mines.

Coincidentally with this corruption we observe the spread of a revolutionary spirit. Our remarks last week are confirmed by the tone of the Paris journals this week: the spirit has become so manifest that it is openly discussed. Whether they are true, or are mere signs of this hostile spirit, the scandalous stories afloat are a formidable sign. When distinguished persons, for whom the nation is asked to contribute princely incomes, are described as being ignobly cudgelled for detected profligacy, society must be in a very turbid and turbulent state, be the tales true or false.

The rumored accession of Marshal Bugeaud to the ministry is regarded as another portent of evil. Marshal Soult, it is said, will retire. M. Guizot will be president of the council; and Marshal Bugeaud will be minister of war; and it is presumed that the marshal's special vocation will be to arm the detached forts round Paris. France becoming rebellious, Marshal Bugeaud is sent for, to turn it into an Algeria.-Spectator, 24 July.

THE POPE.-Rome has just escaped a sort of counter-revolution. Much doubt has been thrown upon the reports, but the main facts appear to have been ascertained. It is not surprising, however, that incredulity should have been the first feeling; so absurd and wild was the plot ascribed to the conspirators. The tale is, that a conspiracy was arranged under the auspices of Cardinal Lambruschini, and the leadership of Colonel Freddi, chief of the mounted police or carabineers, to set upon the populace and massacre them: the day fixed upon was the anniversary of the amnesty, when the people would have been collected in the streets. The presumed object of the conspiracy was to impart to Rome an aspect of turbulence, in order to show

The probability that the reports are true is confirmed by strange and otherwise unaccountable demonstrations of the Austrians on the western side of the Roman States.

If a guess as to the hidden object of the conspiracy may be hazarded, it is very likely that the conspirators, on obtaining possession of Rome, would have affected to consider that the sovereign pontiff had previously been under coercion by the mob; and so, while pretending to guard him, they might have sought to reduce him to a puppet, or to put him out of the way.

The upshot of the movement has been to strengthen the new and popular influences. The class of professed politicians has been usefully weeded: among others, the Governor of Rome, always an object of doubt, has been dismissed. The defence of Rome has been confided to the Romans, now organized as a national or civic guard; and with arms political power has been handed over to the middle class as a constituent part of the state. It will be found that this diffusion of responsibility with power strengthens instead of weakening the government.-Spectator, 24 July.

THE PRUSSIAN DIET.

THE Constitutional experiment made by the monarch of Prussia has been, for every object sought by him and by his government, a failure. This is in every respect to be lamented. It can scarcely fail to fling back Frederick William into other than liberal courses of policy, and into other than constitutional alliances. And the hopes, founded upon Prussia's new constitution-hopes quite as important to the surrounding nations of Europe as to Prussians themselves-may be considered as completely destroyed. At variance with his own subjects, and having failed to gain the confidence of the liberal party in Prussia, the monarch of that country must lean to Russia, and must sink into that dependence upon his absolutist neighbors, from which he made an effort to release his government and himself.

At this distance, almost with any amount of information, it would be difficult to decide which side is to be blamed for this failure. Concessions of this kind, delayed too long, are apt to beget a malcontent and rancorous spirit, which becomes more and more difficult to satisfy. And when courts and people come together to treat of a final adjustment, both are apt to be in those perverse humors, so strongly exemplified in the court of Versailles and the French National Assembly of 1789.