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In all such crises, the hopes of the country and it up here and there, to be at length carried away the prospect of peacefully acquired freedom depend when the dykes have burst.–Examiner, 10 July. upon the middle party, and upon the court's giving its confidence fully and implicitly to that party. SWITZERLAND.-The possessors of federal powHad Louis the Sixteenth irusted the Feuillants er in Switzerland are precipitating the republic into completely at the commencement of the revolution, a series of adventures of which the end cannot be or had he trusted the Girondins at a later period, foreseen or prophesied. We should not like to the monarchy might have been saved. But io con- stake our repute for acumen on a prediction of the voke a representative assembly, and hope to man- issue. But whatever the result may be, mischief age it by a court ministry is a vain idea.
is in the process. The majority of the federal diet This seems to have been the fault of the Prus- are resolved to proceed in the attempt to crush the sian monarch. And considering the circumstances Catholic minority. in which that monarch stood, the liberal majority We are well aware that the revolutionary or of his states seems to have been equally unreason- official party in the confederation has many differable. The King of Prussia is not in the position ent faces for its enterprise, to suit several occasions : of a sovereign of France, of England, or even of with the evangelical, it is a struggle of Protestant Spain. Prussia is a part of the German system, against the spiritual absolutism and error of the linked in delicate alliance with other powers, saved Catholic ; with the sceptical, it is the struggle of as a nation more than once by the aid of those freethinking against antiquated bigotry; with the powers, and certain to run the risk of destruction constitutionalist, it is the struggle of free political and sacrifice, if entering into formal antagonism institutions fostered by Protestantism against the with them. There are many excuses for, and despotism imputed to Catholicism ; with the politimany difficulties in the way of, Frederick William, cal humanist, it is the struggle for Swiss nationality. that no other sovereign trying for the first time a We say, in any form it is revolution. At the settleconstitutional course has had. The members of ment of the peace, Switzerland was established, the Prussian States seem to have taken no account not as one entire and solid state, but as a collection of this, but determined on asserting all constitu- of separate and confederated States. The parties tional rights at once. They took objection at once to the settlement are sponsors to each of those to the persons of the king's ministers, although states for the maintenance of the compact. Each they certainly could not stigmatize any one of the of those states within itself ought to be sovereign; Prussian ministers as a Strafford or a Calonne. and especially ought to be free to use its own will This was at once raising personal questions, when and pleasure, according to its own conscience, in things were of paramount importance. Not being the provision for its own religion. If its exercise able to refuse a budget, the Prussian States rejected of that right be displeasing to the rest, no matter ; a rail-road enterprise, which they themselves admit it can stand upon the bond. If it be coerced it is to be most useful, and which the government, in visited by revolution, invasion, war. Now, if a the absence of the assembly, have thus a fair excuse state be divided into two parts, either part has a for executing by means of other funds than those, right to invite foreign aid, though the party making which might have been legally guaranteed. The such appeal be the numerical minority. Especially whole business seems in short to have been mis- has the minority that right if it is the majority managed on both sides, and must create a fear in which departs from the leiter of the constitution. every mind that the desired compromise between We do not say that revolution is always censuracrown and people in Prussia is not possible after a ble or unsuccessful; but a violent departure from peaceful fashion.
settled constitution always is revolution, of which the When the Prussian deputies resolved thus, did propriety is measured by the success. A revolution they reflect on the much greater difficulties which in Switzerland can hardly triumph. The majority exist in Prussia for a popular insurrection than in of the republic is a pigmy compared to the powers any other of the countries that have already effected round it; who will assuredly_lend their size and one? Any popular movement in Germany must strength to the minority. The northern powers combat the force of Russia and of Austria, whilst, are against the official party; so is France. To under present circumstances, it will get no aid from proceed then, with a forcible abrogation of the conFrance. We all know what the end must be, and stitution, is war. Under pretext of consolidating that popular rights will triumph on the Vistula as Swiss nationality, her leaders are actually risking on the Thames.
But the intervening phases of her independence : they are bringing about a state political existence are to be considered, civil war, of things which would risk the partition of Switzermilitary law, dictatorial proscription, popular vio- land, and justify it. lence and anarchy. Any terms are better than Nor is that the only crime on which they are these extremes. And to these extremes the Ger- rushing : their cause is tainted with hypocrisy. mans, with all their philosophy and mildness, are Their apologists say, and perhaps truly, that this is tending
no contest of Protestantism against Catholicism : We judge this more from the tone assumed by then why wage the contest in that name? When liberal Germans than even by their acts in the diet. men seek to effect one object while they are preThere is an extravagant inflation, an unreasonable tending to aim at another, they resort to that trick ness, greater than even that which marked the either because what they seek is too madly indisFrench in their days of political Saturnalia, to be creet to be approached openly, or, because some observed in the words and letters of that generally shameful injustice lurks in the attempt; perhaps sober and contemplative people, the Prussians. both.—Spectator, 31 July. But this unfortunately is always the effect of a censor-ridden press and a police-manacled society: BURSTING OF THE VAUXHALL BALLOON-MIThe air of freedom intoxicates. If the King of
RACULOUS ESCAPE. Prussia were to fling himself frankly into this current, and lead it, he might master it. But with Mr. Gypson, the aëronaut, Mr. Albert Smith, half-and-half meddling he will do nothing, save dam Mr. Coxwell, and Mr. Pridmore had on Tuesday
night, an escape from destruction that must rank gyrations indicative of rapidity and also danger. amongst the most miraculous on record. On the Presently myriads of the gas lights, which shone so occasion of a charitable fête at Vauxhall Gardens brilliantly but a moment before, appeared to be rison Tuesday night, Mr. Gypson, accompanied by ing to us, and instantly the car and the ground came the three gentlemen above named, ascended in his into fearful collision. The spot where we descended balloon, taking with him some fireworks to be dis- was close to some unfinished houses and building charged from beneath the car. The ascent took materials in the Belgrave-road, Pimlico, about a place at twelve o'clock, and when the balloon had mile from the gardens, our course having been semiattained a sufficient altitude the fireworks were dis- circular. Providentially we all escaped without incharged, and produced a very beautiful effect, illu-jury, and the balloon is but slightly damaged. I minating the balloon as it floated high in the air. have no hesitation in stating that the accident was After the explosion of the fireworks, and within a entirely attributable to the state of the atmosphere, few minutes of the time it left the gardens, the bal- influenced by the lightning. The immediate cause loon was lost in the darkness, and some little ap- of the accident was the bursting of the balloon in prehension was felt in consequence of the thunder- the upper hemisphere, in consequence of the expanstorm, which just then commenced. The worst fears sion of the gas having been greater than the means were near being realized. When the balloon had of escape."-Britannia. risen, as the passengers calculated, about six thousand feet, the silk was suddenly rent, a cry of“ We
China.-The latest accounts from China confirm are all lost !” burst forth, the balloon collapsed, and descended with frightful rapidity. By a providen- is attained for our position by the mere coercion of
our apprehension, that no additional security of hold tial accident, the silk confined by the netting formed the provincials on the extreme frontier. Our meritself into a parachute, and thus broke the fall; and chant population, indiscreet, overbearing, and unit did further service by enveloping the aëronauts in intelligible to the native population, has exacted a its folds on their collision with the earth, and thus further grant of land ; the inhabitants gravely, preventing them from being flung from the car. naturally, and justly, demur to giving it up. They The balloon came down in the Belgrave-road, Pim, appeal to the wisdom and equity of the British. lico, and the voyagers received no injury beyond They do not understand our purpose in exacting it, a smart shake. Mr. Coxwell has furnished the fol
nor the political necessity under which the local lowing detailed narrative of the occurrence : " After rising from the gardens with an ascend- can do otherwise than think their own case sound
rulers act in conceding it. It is impossible that they ing power calculated to ensure a clear start, and to and just. Such disputes cannot be settled with the give full effect to the fireworks, which were sus-Chinese lord-lieutenant at Canton; and a further atpended by means of a line from the hoop, the balloon tack on the city, which seemed imminent, could have took a course at first across the river, in the direction of the new houses of parliament. A few sec. itants in our good faith and in the capacity of their
no effect but to destroy the confidence of the inhabonds had scarcely elapsed before the first whiz and Aash indicated the combustion of the pyrotechnics. discord which may yet embroil us with European
own royal commissioner, and to perpetuate that a moment they burst forth with great precision and brilliancy. Fires of every hue lit up the bal- powers on Chinese ground.-Spectator, 24 July. loon, while from the frame shot forth myriads of
From the Spectator of 24 July. gerbs and jets, gold and silver rain-in fact, every
NEW TENURE OF STATESMANSHIP. artifice known in pyrotechny. The concluding display was a boquet of flowers in colored fires, which The two political leaders have come before the elicted from the spectators the most rapturous ap- public, but not on the same field, nor in the same plause. Our attention was then directed to the bal- manner. They are not antagonists, indeed scarcely loon, which was ascending rapidly. Mr. Gypson rivals; for any sense rivalry seems to exist only acceded to my wish to stand upon the hoop above on one side, and that rather vicariously than in the the car, in order to closely observe the state and ac- principal concerned. The reception which they tion of the balloon, while he attended to the fire- meet is as different as it is possible to be ; and yet works. I particularly specified the various degrees they are both favorably received in the same quarof rarefaction which marked our ascension. For an ters. Politicians impersonating the remnants of hour and a half before we started the lightning was faction affect to regard Sir Robert Peel as being out incessant, which elicited from our friends and sev- of the world-almost superannuated; yet every eral of the spectators apprehensions for our safety, word of the letter issued from his retirement to the and no sooner had the fireworks been discharged constituents of a small borough is canvassed with as
i than a vivid flash occurred, and for the moment it much minuteness as if his paragraphs were edicts ; appeared as if the heavens were on fire, and that and a world of labor is bestowed, in journals of all our destruction was certain. The appearance of parties, on the endeavor to make out that the retired the regions above was awfully grand. The ex- statesman is wrong on this or that point of theory, pansion that succeeded was immense, and we were was incapable of his own success, and has no right all convinced that the gas was escaping from the to make divers boasts—which he does not make. neck. Mr. Gypson immediately took the valve line, Lord John Russell launches personally into the with a view of relieving the upper part of the bal- election contest, holds parley with the electors, loon. That operation was, unfortunately, delayed encounters the city voters face to face, braves the a few seconds too late, for, notwithstanding that the saturnalian license of the hustings, meets a tempest lower valve was fully open, the silk sustained a of hisses, but raises no such storm of cautionary confracture which occasioned us to drop and hang a troversy. Friends of Lord John make much of his considerable distance under the balloon. In an in- clever election speech ; his immediate opponents in stant the ballast was discharged, and the line con- the city own that kind of excitement which finds its necting the lower valve to the hoop immediately vent in the hysterical enthusiasm of men with cut. The silk then formed as it were into a spa- printed paper on their hats and the galloping of cious and perfect parachute, and we descended with placarded cabs : but his liberal views provoke no
universal strictures; the high protectionist journal ests, sure to be followed by the train of universal tolerates, the high tory patronizes him. The Lon- selfishness and wise-spread corruption.” We disdon address is canvassed simply with reference to cern no trace of such indifference. On the contrary, the fate of the prime minister as a candidate for we do not remember a time in which the public election ; the address of the retired minister is can- manifested such minute and diverse and general vassed as if the fate of the empire hung upon it. interest in all sorts of questions. It is true that, in
The distinction is still more remarkable in many establishing free trade, Sir Robert Peel abolished other respects which are pregnant with instruction. the last great motive to existing party combinations, The vast pains bestowed on the disparagement of and hence he has created an indifference to party Sir Robert Peel are quite a "sign of the times,” interests. But the interest which used to be lavished and they have a wide and intelligible meaning. on the success of particular cliques-on the enThere is in almost every quarter a manifest desire thronement of a Pitt or a Fox, a Melbourne or a to convince the public at large, for a time at least, Wellington—is now turned more profitably to indithat Sir Robert Peel has failed as a minister. The vidual measures. Hence party men, as such, have free-trade Globe tries to show that Sir Robert claims lost a great portion of their influence; which is undue credit for his free-trade measures ; other transferred to public men who represent certain defi“liberal” papers try to make out that although Sir nite opinions or objects of public utility. Such men Robert has done a good deal, it was not from the retain as much influence as ever, not for party, but best of motives, and that the whigs are really the for practical objects. There are certain opinions men to do the work effectually. Other opponents which are represented by a Roebuck, a Thomas sneer at the statesman, and declare that he has no Duncombe, a Cobden, an Ashley, a John Manners, party; which is true : he avows the fact himself. an Edward John Stanley or a Tatton Egerton, a This man, whom all party organs are engaged in Miles or a Bickham Escott; and such men are striving to thrust back into obscurity, they declare tolerably sure to be in parliament, not because they to be already isolated, uncrowned by success, devoid belong to the “tory” or “ liberal” party-terms of influence : assertions which refute the pains that which have lost their force—but because they reprethey are taking to make him forgotten or contemned. sent those special views. They are sent into parliaBut of course this seeming inconsistency has its ment because, being Roebucks, Ashleys, Cobdens, meaning, and it is one which ought to be under- and so forth, they embody views which important stood.
sections of the community desire to see ably enforced Sir Robert Peel has no party, and yet he is the in the legislature. man whose influence is deemed most formidable. Other things have seriously modified the relations The two facts appear inconsistent only to those who between the represented and the representative, will persist in regarding the affairs of the present particularly the immense facilities for locomotion day with the eyes of the past. The relations of and intercommunication of all kinds, and the much statesmen with the public are altered ; it is no longer more minute and complete understanding of public necessary for a statesman to head a “party's in business in its details to which most classes have order to take the lead in affairs. There are two attained. Hence the trust reposed in a representaclasses of reasons for that change. The measures tive is not nearly so indefinite or great as it used to embodying the recognition of great principles in the be. All parties understand much better what they state, about which the chief antagonist factions once are about; they more thoroughly comprehend the contended, have been carried : the reform bill, the compact when they are making it; they can watch bills establishing religious equality, freedom of its execution in the minutest detail; they can usually trade, are now things settled : the measures to fol- enforce fidelity. Formerly the broad classifications low belong either to the nature of supplementary of party views and the guarantees of party alliance measures, for carrying out those embodied principles were necessary to piece out the rude comprehension in all their ramifications, or they relate to material and imperfect control of the electoral body; now and social improvements. Party, or the combina- the electors understand specific results, and even tion of men for the promulgation of broad political processes, and much more regard the specific merits dogmas, no longer exists in its strength, because it of individual candidates. is not needed; broad dogmas being effectually rec- Lord John Russell, however, claims that a candiognized. At one time, when arbitrary power still date should be taken, not upon partial grounds, but possessed some sway in the country, the agitation upon the whole of his conduct-upon a general and promotion of political opinions that threatened concurrence of sentiments. This is sound doctrine. to overturn the received doctrines was dangerous : It is especially desirable at the ensuing election, hence, men differing in other things banded together because it is almost certain that questions will come for mutual support and defence in the assertion of before the next parliament which are scarcely before broad political dogmas : but now there is no danger the public now. What electors ought to do is, to in the assertion of such doctrines; it is not neces- endeavor to choose that man who could best act for sary for men to be banded together in order to assert them in contingencies that may arise hereafterthem; they can be asserted without any sacrifice men with whom they agree generally. The tenof the most perfect independence; and therefore dency to send in members for specific purposes is there is no necessity for party on the ground of undoubtedly carried too far, because most important mutual and joint defence. The reason for party questions come before the house of commons which ceasing, party ceases, at least as a living thing. cannot be foreseen at the hustings; so that mere Men are now combined only by community of opin- agents for the execution of special commissions are ion, and are only combined in each case pro hac not well qualified to act for general purposes. It is vice.
well to consider precisely and specifically the qualiOne of Sir Robert Peel's bitter opponents ad- fications of the candidate, but to choose him with vances as the gravest charge against him, not the regard to general purposes. breaking-up of parties, “but the extinction of all But to make good this doctrine, the electors must motive for the people taking part in public affairs, take into account what is really the whole conduct the creation of a general indifference to public inter- of a representative—his achievements as well as his
professions, his recent as well as his early acts, the he military or literary, is sought to grace the reprobabilities for the future as well as the experiences unions of the “distinguishedclasses; but he is of the past. It is sometimes assumed that the past tolerated rather than companioned by his hosts. In gives a representative a kind of claim on the grati- spirit he is still sent, like Parson Adams, into the tude of electors : gratitude is no proper motive in the kitchen. The greatest professors of the most lovely choice of a candidate to transaci business in parlia- of arts are treated as hirelings on a footing with ment; and the past can only be regarded so far as it waiters. If an audacious and spoiled man of genius affords some test for the future. Nominal “con- is so far made to forget the distinction as to play sistency” proves litile. A candidate who should the familiar with his lordly companions, they goodstill rely upon the obsolete machinery of party, who naturedly remember, that whereas their ancestors should rest his claims on his services in carrying kept fools, they themselves now invite authors to the reform bill, and who should show that he had dine with them. The country has to pay for this from his earliest years uttered professions of liberal barbaric spirit in two ways in the social degradaopinions, would adduce good grounds for doing him tion which it entails ; and in the necessity of finding honor, but small reason for electing him now; since fortunes for those very eminent personages whom the reform bill is not the measure to be carried in it is in conscience bound to honor. 1848, nor is faction the machinery by which the Nor is the blame for this rude state of feeling measures of the next parliament can best be pro- imputable only to one class ; those which most seem moted. Still less does a statesman prove his qual- to be the victims must share the censure. It is not ifications to stand at the head of affairs by such caused solely by the vulgarity and ignorance of retrospective testimonials. Power, indeed, is not “ the great,” who cannot believe in dignity or bestowed on the showing of testimonials, but seized merit without at least four places in the cipher repby the capacity to hold it. That statesman will resenting a man's annual income, but also in the have real hold of power who can best read the act servility of the professional classes, who are always ual wish of the people, comprehend actual wants, trying to be taken not for themselves, but for the understand and employ existing machinery, and rich and fashionable. bring proof that under present circumstances he has The result is, that as a community the English executed the largest amount of work. Such a people are incapacitated from duly honoring such a statesman, resting his power on the wants and active man as Sir Harry Smith until they have made him energies of the people to work out its own will, can rich. What a confession ! well do without a party ; because the knowledge of While the feeling lasts, it is incumbent on the his capacity and willingness points him out for the government to see that the honors which it distribagent of the country when a measure is really de- utes are supported on a substantial basis. Sir Harmanded and permitted. That is the reason why ry Smith will of course be “ provided for.” It is the remnants of factions exhibit so earnest a dread a very humiliating necessity, but it would be idle to of the dormant power in the hand of that statesman begin a reformation by withholding from him his who sits quiescent without a party; while the leader earnings ; that would be to begin at the wrong end. of such party as the existing parliament can muster Poverty may be respectable and dignified; but bein the largest numbers is too weak to be feared. fore we force dignity to keep company with poverty, There is no mystery in the source of Sir Robert we must school ourselves into the habit of respectPeel's individual influence, no power which any ing worth and genius for their own sakes, without other statesman of equal shrewdness and strength the qualification of the purse.-Spectator. of will might not atlain. Sir Robert Peel has swayed the country through its own will and THE REAL "PROTECTION OF FEMALES." strength; and hence, on demand, the country lends to him its will and strength without the intervention The progress of a wiser humanity on the subject of party. The process of 1842 will be repeated as of social questions is strikingly shown in the veroften as occasion shall arise ; and it is desirable that dicts which juries give in actions for two classes of all influential politicians should bear that lesson in injury to women-for seduction and breach of prommind during the elections for 1848.
ise of marriage. In both kinds of actions, juries,
with increasing steadiness of perseverance, award
large damages-large as compared with what would HONOR AND RICHES.-It has been discovered that formerly have been thought reasonable. The betSir Harry Smith, the chivalrous conqueror of Ali- ter reason, however, lies with the present practice ; wal, on whom honors have been showered with not and it is well to strengthen the practice by upholdtoo lavish hand, is denied “substantial” rewards for ing the enlightened juries with approval. his services, and remains comparatively a poor man. The two kinds of cases do not rest exactly on the Sir Harry has won his position by his sword; he same grounds. The requirements of equity in the has not spent his time in the pursuit of wealth, but instance of breach of promise are clear. A promof victory and honor; and if victory and honor are ise to marry is like any other civil bargain, with the his without wealth, the end only answers to the difference that it affects the prospects of a whole means. But it is remembered that he cannot sup- life. Certain injuries cannot be remedied, and they port the "dignity of his station” without that are often the severest. No amount of damages wealth which is the essential attribute of rank. could have consoled Julia of Verona for the loss of
What a bitter sarcasm on the feeling of the Eng- her beloved Proteus-pitiful rascal as every reader lish people, and most especially on those classes of Shakspeare may think him. Disappointment which claim to be the most cultivated and refined ! at losing a promised fortune, though it may be bitIn this matter we are far behind other peoples and ter, is scarcely a fit subject for compensation, inasother times which we undertake to look down upon. much as the gift of a fortune is not a thing necesIn no country that has attained to a high pitch of sarily implied in marriage. The proper object of intellectual cultivation do personal worth and genius compensation is implied by the nature of the injury so totally fail the possessor in surmounting the dis- so far as it is the breach of a civil bargain. When tinctions of society. The lion of a day, indeed, be a woman accepts a promise of marriage she usually waives all prospects of settlement in life that may rect claim would be a premium to vice, by removing lie in other quarters—other suitors receive no en- part of the penalty on seduction. A saying very couragement, and the property in her affections is partially true, and very generally false. Exactly reserved to the promiser. That is the quid pro as it mitigated the punishment for one, such a law quo; and it is often a very large quid for a very would entail responsibility on another ; it would worthless quo. If the courtship lasts a long time operate as a check on seducers, and a powerful one - and in a case reported this week it lasted for ten for all deceivers of women are mean men. The years—the lady consents, on the faith of the bar- prospect of having to pay heavily for their “sucgain, not only to waive opportunities that she might cesses” would convert many Don Juans into Scipios. otherwise have, but probably to pass without using And be it remembered, that in appealing to the moa single opportunity in that part of her life when tives of the seducer, the law would act at once her attractions are in the fullest flower. Whether upon the first offender. Such a responsibility, inthe courtship lasts a long time or a short, she be- deed, would do more real good in any single county comes a deserted woman-a" leavings," and ob- than a bill like Mr. Spooner's is likely to effect all noxious to that cowardly contempt which prevails over the kingdom.-Spectator. with the common run of people for all who have been slighted. Hence, her prospects of settlement elsewhere are seriously and obviously damaged.
The commissioners of woods and forests have, The endeavor of compensation should be as nearly we are informed, signified their willingness to beas possible to place her in statu quo. That cannoi, come conservators of the birth-place of Shakspeare of course, actually be done; but an approximation if purchased for preservation. The Stratford-onto equity can be made. If the promise-breaker is Avon committee, who have this object in view, compelled to give her the minimum of income have already received the promise of very distinwhich as his wife she might have expected, not guished patronage.-Globe. only is she secured a fragment of the bargain which he refuses to fulfil, but by giving the possession of Marshal Soult induced him to give up his practice,
M. TESTE was a barrister of first-rate practice. some little means the law in a degree restores her and take a portfolio in his cabinet. M. Teste, for attractiveness
this, abandoned a handsome income, and for this, “ Desertæ et multa querenti
perhaps, was intrusted with that department of Amplexus et opem tulit."
which he knew nothing, viz., public works. M.
Teste’s mode of administering the French public In the case of seduction, the justice of compen-works department is perfectly well known in this sation is not so palpable; but we think that on in- country. M. Martin was minister of public works quiry it proves to be quite as sound. “Volenti non before M. Teste, and M. Martin amassed a very fit injuria” must be taken with a qualification : wil handsome fortune. When M. Pellapra heard of lingness must be accepted as being limited to that the danger that threatened him for having bribed a which the willing party really understands. In high functionary, he replied, “ Pooh, I have been cases of seduction there is a remarkable inversion doing it all my life.” And M. Pellapra would find of natural justice : the worldly experience of the ready and safe means of pursuing his avocation toman usually much exceeds that of the woman, morrow.—Daily News. while the evil consequences to her are altogether in excess of any risk which he may run; in the great
The statistics of shipwreck are curious. It apmajority of cases, the victim is quite ignorant of pears that in 1833, 1834, and 1835, when there what she incurs; the man it is that knows the con- were 24,500 vessels belonging to the country, the sequences, the woman that endures them. Now, average loss each year was 610 ships, averaging the worst consequences—the degradation, the loss 210 tons each; and the number of lives lost on
In 1841 and 1842, of social position, and of opportunities for worldly these occasions was 1,550. advantage-are penalties decreed by the will of so- when the shipping had increased to nearly 29,000, ciety, Society, therefore, would be quite right to the average loss was only 611, and the loss of life see that its penalty does not fall on one alone of the 1,050, a diminution of 100 on the former periods. offenders, and that one probably the more innocent; Since that, though the commercial marine has gone it has a perfect right to enact, by its juries, that if on increasing at a rapid rate, the number of ships the immediate responsibility is to be fastened on the wrecked in 1844 had decreased to 517; in 1845, woman, her accomplice shall be required to aid her 539 ; and in 1846, when the number of ships be in sustaining the burden.
longing to Great Britain and its dependencies was It is a pity, however, that the law should come 32,000, the number lost was 537.—Spectator. before juries in so confused and imperfect a state. The quinquennial census of Paris has just been The woman, the party injured, has no direct claim published. The population was 1,053,897 ; viz., for damages ; but they can only be extracted from 543,492 males, and 510,405 females. The increase the seducer by virtue of a legal fiction, under favor over the year 1841 is 118,636 ; and over 1836, 154,of which a parent may sue for damages to compen- 584. In the whole number of men there are 55,sate the presumed loss of a daughter's " services." 460 National Guards ; which is not quite ten per Now that is a question wholly beside the justice of cent. In 1836, the number of National Guards was the case, and it is only by a kind of stretching of thirteen per cent. of the male population. the law that juries can really attain to a substantial justice. This they endeavor to do; but the task A RETURN obtained by Lord George Bentinck of virtually remodelling the law in that way ought shows the amount of grain, flour, and meal, reduced not to be imposed upon them. The law itself might to quarters, entered for home consumption in the yery equitably presume that the seducer intended to United Kingdom in the years ending 5th of June bear his due share of the responsibility, and that if 1845, 1846, and 1847. In the first period, the total he neglected to do so he had practically committed was 2,667,054 quarters; in the next, 1,361,097 ; a breach of implied compact.
while in the year ending the 5th of June, 1847, the It may be said, we know, that to recognize a di-total rose to 9,548,870.-Spectator.