nations of the people of their province, they both give plain indications they thought him an innocent man. And it cannot be questioned but that Festus transmitted a favourable account of him to Rome. In order to find out the true reason and foundation of this conduct, I mean the favour shewed to the disciples of Jesus by the Roman officers, it is needful to consider the grounds they go upon, and the reasons they themselves assign for it, as represented by St. Luke. The reader will recollect the speeches of Gallio, and the town clerk of Ephesus, so that I need not repeat any part of them here. The substance of them all is, in short, in the letter which Lysias sent with Paul to Felix at Cæsarea. "And when I would have known the cause, wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into their council, whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death, or of bonds." Acts xxiii. 28, 29. And with this agrees also the account, which Festus gave of Paul's affair at length to king Agrippa, Acts xxv. 13-27. "And after certain days, king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus. And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix. About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him. To whom I answered, it is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face.Therefore when they were come hither, without any delay; on the morrow I sat on the judg ment-seat, and I commanded the man to be brought forth. Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusations of such things as I supposed: but had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him, whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him. to Cæsar. Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself:-And, on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp,-at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth. And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying out, that he ought not to live any longer. But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord; wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and especially before thee, O king Agrippa, that after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him." Strange! Felix, it is likely, left behind him some memorial concerning this prisoner, and Festus had given Paul and his accusers a solemn hearing at Cæsarea: the high priest and the elders, and all the multitude of the Jews, had dealt with him about Paul once and again, at Jerusalem, and at Cæsarea: Festus seems to have spared no pains to go to the bottom of the matter: and yet after all, he brought him before Agrippa, that he might have somewhat to write to Augustus." According to this account, the Roman empire must have had no laws, at this time, against new sects in religion, or the leaders of them, provided they injured no man's civil property, and gave no disturbance to other people in their worship. 66 : Let us however see the progress of this examination before Agrippa and Bernice, and those who were with them, Acts xxvi. 4-23. Paul acquaints them with the manner of his life from the first, informs them of his conversion, freely declares his principles and conduct; tells them, that he had "seen a light from heaven, and heard a voice;" that he had been sent unto the "Gentiles, to open their eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, that they might receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them that are sanctified by faith that is in Jesus." He lets them know, that he had not been "disobedient to the heavenly vision, but shewed first unto them of Damascus, and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the coasts of Judea, and then to the Gentiles, that they should repent and turn to God; that having obtained help of God, he continued unto this day, witnessing both to small and great, that Christ should suffer, and that he should be the first that should rise from the dead, and should shew light unto the people and to the gentiles." ،، 66 Paul here acknowledgeth two things, most contrary to the general opinion of the Jews at that time; first, that Christ should suffer," and secondly, he mentions particularly his commission to go to the gentiles;" which thing, when he related in his speech to the people at Jerusalem, Acts xxii. 22, 23, " they lift up their voices, and said, Away with such a fellow from the earth; for it is not fit that he should live." And he now declares, that he had these principles every where with all his might. propagated Well, what is the result? Why truly, Paul's discourse appears to Festus so extravagant, that he tells him he was "beside himself;" only he softens the charge a little, by subjoining, that it was "much learning" that "made him mad." But still there was no crime discerned, Nay, after all this, Paul had the presence of mind to deliver a solemn wish, that not only Agrippa, but also all that heard him that day, were not only almost, but altogether such as he was, except his bonds. And when he had thus spoken, the king rose up, and Bernice, and they that sat with them. And when they were gone aside, they talked between themselves, saying, this man doth nothing worthy of death, or of bonds. Then said Agrippa, (a Jew, but well acquainted with the Roman constitution) This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not appealed unto Cæsar," Acts xxvi. 30-32. The sum, I think, is this; that since St. Paul had affirmed in his defence before Felix, ch. xxiv. 12, that "they had not found him in the temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city;" and before Festus, ch. xxv. 8, that neither against the law, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, had he offended any thing at all:" And, since the Jews had brought no proofs of any such offences, but only there were some differences between Paul and the Jews, concerning "certain questions of their own superstition" [religion]; Paul was an innocent man, and might have been very justly set at liberty, and left to himself to go and propagate his principles in the way he had done hitherto. This then was the reason of this conduct; they were not used to interpose their authority in differences purely religious: there was no act of sedition, injustice, or violence proved against Paul, or any of his companions: and these were the only things which these officers. had a right to punish. Here are therefore two things, which we are to look for some foreign proof of; namely, the fierce opposition made by the Jews against the followers of Jesus Christ; and then, in the next place, that the Roman officers had no right, according to the constitution of the Roman government at that time, to punish men for innocent principles, but only for wicked practices. II. To the first point, the proceedings of the Jews, little needs to be said. Their character' for violence is so allowed, that no one can well suspect the evangelists have misrepresented them: not to say, that it was by no means their interest to say these things of them if not true. I shall however allege a passage or two to this purpose. Justin Martyr, in his Dialogue with Trypho, written about the 140th year of the christian æra, says, that in his time, the Jews cursed in their synagogues all that believed in Christ. This,' says he, is all you can 'do. You have not now the power of killing us yourselves, because others have the governing of things. But this you have done, whenever you have been able. Nor have any other 'people shewed so much enmity against us and Christ as you, who have been likewise the authors of all those prejudices, which others have conceived against that righteous person ' and us his followers. For after that you had crucified that one unblameable and righteous, man, (by whose stripes they are healed who go to the Father through him); when you knew, that he was risen from the dead, and ascended up into heaven, according as the prophecies. ' had foretold he should, you were so far from repenting of your evil deeds, that you sent out 'from Jerusalem chosen men into all the world, giving out that the sect of the christians is atheistical, and saying all those evil things of us, which they, who know us not, do still say 'of us.' And Tertullian affirms the same thing; That the Jews were the principal authors of the evil reports which were spread abroad concerning the christians.' III. Moderation and equity toward men of a different religion are more uncommon things.. * Πολλα μεν δη και δεινα και οι Ιεδαίοι τες Ρωμαίος εδρασαν (το γαρ τοι γενος αυίων, θυμωθεν, πικροΐατον εσιν) Dio. l. lix. p. 405. D. b Vid. Pagi Critic. in Baron. A. C. 148. • Καλαρωμένοι εν ταις συναγωδαις ύμων της πιςευονίας επι τον Χρισον. Dialog. p. 234. Β. d Ibid. C. D. e Et credidit vulgus Judæo. Quod enim aliud genus semi❤ narium est infamiæ nostræ? Tertul, ad Nat. 1, i. c. 14.. And therefore, it will be needful to be more particular on this head, and to account for the protection, which the heathen officers gave St. Paul and others, when the multitude would have mobbed them, or when the Jewish magistrates demanded a judicial sentence against them. I shall therefore shew, that the Roman people did at this time protect all men in the practice of their several religious rites and institutions. In the first place I shall consider, how they treated the heathen people in those provinces which they had subdued. And secondly, I shall give a brief account of the treatment which the Jews received from them. 1. I shall consider how they treated the heathen people, in those provinces which they subdued to their obedience. Livy informs us, that the Anagnini, a people in Italy, having disobliged the Romans, the senate took away from them several privileges, which they had let them enjoy to that time. Their senates were dissolved, and their magistrates were deprived of all power and authority, except what was necessary for the administration of their religious rites.' This was done in the year of the city 449, before Christ 305; and is a proof, that they esteemed all men's religion inviolable. 6 a The people of Syracuse in Sicily had an ancient custom of choosing an annual priest to Jupiter. It is one of the heavy charges which Cicero brings against Verres, that whilst he was prætor of that province, he had obstructed the people there, in the usual method of the choice, in order to get into the priesthood a creature of his own." Verres had a strong fancy for fine statues: and, whenever he had seen any such in any town or city, as he travelled in his province, he would send to the people, and inform them of a desire he had to purchase of them the statue of such or such a god or goddess. Sometimes the people out of fear of his resentments complied with his desires, though with much regret. But others were more resolute, and told him plainly, such things could not be done without impiety. However this wretch (as Cicero says) would send his servants in the night time to steal images, which the people refused to part with. There was a statue of Ceres at Enna, which stood in an open place before her temple. The curious workmanship of it was a strong temptation, but it's bulk obstructed a clandestine removal. She held in her right hand "a beautiful image of victory. This he caused to be taken away and brought to his house.' This statue of Ceres was, it seems, in great venerátion at Rome, as well as in Sicily. Let us now hear, what Cicero says to the judges upon the trial of Verres. Heal, O ye judges, the wounds given to the religion of your allies; preserve your own. For this is not the branch of any foreign or strange religion. But if it were, and if you did not see fit to adopt "it into your own religion, yet you ought to be willing to secure it by an exemplary punish'ment of him who has offered to violate it.' e g Of all heathen rites within the bounds of the Roman empire, the Egyptian seem to have been the most different from those of the Romans. They were contemned and ridiculed by the emperors, by Augustus in particular, and by the Roman authors. And, if we may credit Philo, no strangers came into Egypt, but they were tempted to laugh at them, and banter them, till they became accustomed to those absurdities: and all travellers of good sense were wont to be filled with the utmost astonishment, joined with pity." a Anagninis, quique arma Romanis intulerant-concilia, connubiaque adempta : & magistratibus, præterquam sacrorum curatione, interdictum. Liv. lib. ix. cap. 43. n. 24. b Sacerdotia: quibus in rebus non solum jura, sed etiam deorum religiones immortalium omnes repudiavit. Syracusis lex est de religione, quæ in annos singulos Jovis sacerdotem sortito capi jubebat, &c. in Verr. lib. ii. cap. 51. act. 1. c. 5. n. 14. c Deum denique nullum Siculis, qui ei paullo magis affabre atque antiquo artificio factus videretur, reliquit. In Verr. Ante ædem Cereris in aperto & propatulo loco signa duo sunt, Cereris unum, alterum Triptolemi, & pulcherrima & perampla. His pulchritudo periculo, amplitudo saluti fuit, quod eorum demolitio atque asportatio perdifficilis videbatur. Insistebat in manu Cereris dextrâ simulachrum pulcherrimè factum Victoriæ. Hoc ille e signo Cereris avellendum asportandumque curavit. In Verr. lib. iv. cap. 49. n. 110. • Medemini religioni sociorum, judices: conservate vestram. Neque enim hæc externa vobis religio, neque aliena: quod si esset, si suscipere eam nolletis ; Ægyptus portenta colat! Crocodilon adorat 1 Ων τι αν γενοιτο καταδελαςότερον; και δη των ξενων οἱ πρωτον εις Διδυπίον αφικόμενοι, πριν τον είχώριον τύφον ταις δια νοιαις εισοικισασθαι, εξησθενήκασι χλευωζοντες· ὅσοι δε παιδείας But yet they were practised, without any molestation from the Romans: and continued to be so, long after the time I am at present concerned with.* It is true the Egyptian rites were more than once prohibited in the city of Rome. Augustus laid a restraint upon them and forbade the performing them in the city or suburbs, or ' within five hundred paces of the suburbs." And by Tiberius's order the temple of Isis at Rome was demolished, and her image thrown into the Tiber.' But then this was for an high offence; and because her priests, under the cloke of religion, had promoted acts of debauchery which were ruinous of the peace of families, and that in the very temple itself which she had at Rome." And Flaccus the president of Egypt, in the latter end of the reign of Tiberius, prohibited their fellowships at Alexandria; which they held under a pretence of religion indeed, but made use of for drunkenness only and such like excesses: on other accounts they met with no interruptions. And those sacred rites which were more properly their own, were as severely restrained, when they were known to be abused to the like infamous practices. For this reason the Bacchanalia were prohibited at Rome and throughout Italy by a decree of the senate. A. U. 568, before Christ 186. f That I may not enter into needless particulars, I shall take notice here of but one thing more. Philo says, that when the Jews waited on Petronius president of Syria, to entreat him not to proceed as yet to erect the statue of Caligula at Jerusalem, they desired that he would give them leave to send an embassy to the emperor: Possibly, say they, we may obtain thus much, not to be treated worse than the meanest of all people, whose religion is preserved 'inviolate.'& IV. In the second place I shall give a brief account of the treatment which the Jews had from the Romans. The Jews received very considerable favours and privileges from Alexander; and they enjoyed the same under his successors in Syria and Egypt, though with some interruptions, especially in Syria." But I intend not to go so high as this. I take notice of this only, because the Jews enjoyed under the Romans the most extensive privileges out of Judea, which had been granted by Alexander and his immediate successors; and because the privileges which they received first from them, seem to have been in a great measure the models of those immunities which were granted by the Romans. For Josephus says, that Seleucus Nicator gave them [the Jews] the privileges of citizens in all the cities which he built in Asia and in lower Syria, and even in Antioch the metropolis of his kingdom, and made them equal to the Macedonians and Grecians; which rights they • still enjoy.' p. 755. E. k i When Flaccus the prætor of Asia was accused at Rome of several mal-administrations in that province, one of the charges brought against him was, that he by an edict had forbid the Jews of Asia to send any money out of that province to Jerusalem. Cicero endeavours to defend Flaccus's conduct in this as well as other matters; but Cicero' owns, that the Jews did then send money to Jerusalem annually from Italy, and from all the provinces subject to the ορθής εδεύσαντο, την επ' άσεμνοις πραγμασι σεμνοποιΐαν καλαπλαδενίες, οικίζονται τις χρωμένες. Philo de decalogo. 2 Οἱ δε Αιγύπλιοι και αιλερες, και κροκοδει λες, και οφεις, και ασπίδας, και κυνας, θεως νομιζεσιν· και τείοις πασιν επιτρεπετε και ύμεις και οι νόμοι. Athenag. Legat. p. 2. A Parisiis. 1636. Nemo se ab invito coli volet, ne homo quidem: atque ideo & Ægyptiis permissa est tam vanæ superstitionis potestas, avibus & bestiis consecrandis, & capite damnandis qui aliquem hujusmodi deum occiderint. Unicuique etiam provinciæ & civitati suus deus est.- - Sed nos soli arcemur a religionis proprietate. Sed apud vos quodvis colere jus est, præter Deum verum. Tertul. Apol. cap. 24. » Τα τε ίερα τα Αι/υπλια επεισιονία αυθις ες το από ανεσειλεν απειπων μηδένα μηδε εν τω προασειῳ αυτα εντος ογδοον ήμισαδιον Dio. lib. liv. p. 525. A. Joseph. Ant. lib. xviii. cap 4. sect. 4. d Id. ibid. • Τας τε Εταιρείας και συνοδες, αι αει επι προφάσει θυσίων εἰσιωνίο, τοις πραίμασιν εμπαροινεσαι, διελυε. Philo in Flac. p. 965. D. "Deinde senatusconsulto cautum est, Ne quà Bacchanalia Romæ, neve in Italia essent. Si quis tale sacrum solenne & η περί τε μη πανίων, και των εν εσχάταις εθνών, οἷς τετηρηται commonwealth. The bringing a charge against Flaccus upon this head is a proof that his edict was a novelty. Nor does Cicero produce an instance of a like restraint laid upon the Jews before this, by the president of any province, which he certainly would have done if there had been any.. There were after this several decrees passed by Julius Cæsar and the senate of Rome, in favour of the Jews who lived in Alexandria, Syria, and Asia; which were lodged in the capitol at Rome, and copies of them directed to the cities in which the Jews dwelt; requiring the magistrates of those cities to put them in their public acts, engraved upon two tables of brass, one in the Roman, another in the Greek language. We have likewise in Josephus copies of the decrees of Delos, Laodicea, Pergamos, Sardis, and other cities, in their proper forms; which were passed and registered there in pursuance of the decrees of the Roman senate: Declaring, that out of their piety to God and the concern they have always had for the support of religion, and in imitation of the Roman people who are benefactors to all mankind, who had written to them that the Jews should be permitted to perform the sacred rites of their religion, observe their usual feasts, and hold their assemblies; they ordain that the Jews 'who think fit so to do, both men and women, do keep the sabbaths and perform sacred rites ' according to the Jewish laws.-And if any man, whether magistrate or private person, do 'give them any let or hinderance herein, he shall be fined, and be reckoned debtor to the city." This is the substance of the decree of the city of Halicarnassus, which the rest resemble. But the rites of the Jews being extremely different from those of all others, and the people of most of the cities being superior in number to the Jews, they were often giving them disturbance: and perhaps the Jews did sometimes give them offences which they needed not to have done. It was then the business of the Roman officers to do them justice, according to the edicts of the senate and the emperor. And we have some instances of their receiving relief from the higher powers, when they had been injured, and it is likely could not obtain satisfaction from the ordinary officers; either through their want of inclination, or of sufficient power and authority to controul the dispositions of the people where they resided. d When Agrippa the favourite of Augustus was in the East with extraordinary power, as he was passing through Ionia with Herod the Great in his company, the Jews made complaints to him, that they were hindered in sending their tribute to the temple at Jerusalem; that they were obliged to serve in the army; and had many other hardships put upon them inconsistent with the privileges granted them by the Romans. Agrippa gave them and their adversaries a solemn hearing, and in court confirmed to them their ancient privileges, and gave orders, that no one should molest them in the observation of their peculiar rites and customs.' f g Some time after this, the Jews who lived in Asia and in Cyrene in Libya, were oppressed and abused by the people in those countries; upon which the Jews sent an embassy to Augustus himself for redress. Josephus has preserved a copy of the edict of the emperor upon this occasion: wherein, having first briefly mentioned the favours shewed to the Jews by Julius Cæsar, and their fidelity to the Roman state, He ordains by his own authority, with ⚫ the advice of his council, that the Jews do practice their peculiar rites according to the law of their country, that their offerings be inviolable, that they be permitted to send them to 'Jerusalem, and to deliver them to those who are deputed to carry them to Jerusalem, that a Vid. Joseph. Ant. lib. xiv. cap. 10. sect. 2. h • Επει το προς το θείον ευσεβες, και όσιον εν ἁπανι καίρω δια σπεδης εχομεν, κατακολεθενίες τῳ δημῳ των Ρωμαίων πανίων άνθρωπων όντι ευερδετη, και οἷς περι της Ιεδαίων φιλιας και συμμαχίας προς την πολιν εγραψεν, όπως συνελωνται αυτοις αἱ εις τον Θεόν ιεροποιϊαι και ἑορται αἱ ειθισμεναι και συνοδοι· δεδοκίαι ημιν Ιεδαιών τες βελομένος άνδρας τε και γυναικας ταίε Σαβ. Ραΐα άδειν και τα ἱερα συνελειν κατα τες Ιεδαικος νομος. ἂν δὲ τις κωλυση η αρχών η ιδιωτης, ίδε τῷ ζημιωμαῖι υπεύθυνος εσω, και οφειλείω τη πόλει. Ibid. sect. 23. • About the 13th or 14th year before the nativity of our Lord, according d The Jews had been ex. cused from serving as soldiers, because they could not travel on the sabbath, nor have provisions agreeable to their laws and customs. Vid. Joseph. Antiq. 1. xiv. cap. 10. sect. 12. • Και τας επηρειας ελέίον ας επηρεαζοντο, μητε νόμοις οικείοις To the common account. e VOL. I. εωμένοι χρησθαι, και την εις Ιεροσόλυμα χρημαίων ανατιθε |