objects of profane ribaldry and factious abuse. When the form and constitution of our government, the character and functions of the first magistrate,—the dignity and virtue of our senate, the sanctity of our christian establishments, or the general purity of our judicature, are assailed with wanton insult, or stigmatized with mischievous malevolence, it is possible the interests of society may derive some protection from such an authority, although, in the ordinary operation of the laws, a remedy might be found, much more constitutional, and not less efficacious. *

* Lord Chesterfield, in his speech on the Licenser's Bill, makes the following observation: "If poets and players are to be restrained, let them be restrained as other subjects are, by the known laws of their country; if they offend, let them be tried as every Englishman ought to be, by God and their country; do not let us subject them to the arbitrary will and pleasure of any one man. A power lodged in the hands of one single man, to judge and determine, without any limitation, without any control or appeal, is a sort of power unknown to our laws, inconsistent with our constitution. It is a higher, a more absolute power than we trust even to the King himself, and therefore I must think, we ought not to vest any such power in his Majesty s Lord Chamberlain.

The powers of an office so inquisitorial and so liable to be abused, should, however, be placed in judicious hands, and exercised with the most scrupulous delicacy and discretion.

To suppose that in a free country like this, such an authority could have been set up, as an instrument for obstructing the expression of all manly and patriotic feelings;-that it could have been intended as an artful outpost to intercept, in their progress to the public ear, the honest accents of truth, and the wholesome lessons of public virtue, would be to calumniate as grossly those by whom in past times this power was established, as to act on such a supposition, is to insult those, who, in the present day, are considered to be in any respect gratified by its perversion.

But it may be observed, that even the language of truth is sometimes impolitic as well as unpalatable; and we have it from high authority, that sentiments unexceptionable in themselves, and springing from upright intentions, may possibly, in times like the present,

b

be so pregnant with dangerous consequences, as to justify an extraordinary interference of power for their suppression.

What there is in the present time, in this country, to render the dramatic developement of any honest principle,-the energetic expression of any patriotic sentiment, injurious to the interests, or unfit for the ears of Englishmen, I must own myself at a loss to discover.-It has been announced from the throne itself, that all is peace, order, and prosperity;—that the Empire reposes in all the security of general contentment, under a system of impartial law and rational liberty. It seems rather extraordinary, that such a moment should be considered as a happy opportunity to cast a stigma on the expression of those principles, through the operation of which, such blessings have been obtained. It seems odd, that at such a moment, it should be thought expedient to wind up the Chamberlain's authority to the highest pitch of precaution, and push it to a vigour beyond the law.

"Let us," cries the new organ of official

vigilance, "no longer tolerate the presump"tuous privilege of the stage!-Now that we

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are great and prosperous, let us boldly re

probate and put down those maxims of pub"lic and private morality to which we are in"debted for our elevation:-since we cannot "have a religious, let us invigorate our thea❝trical inquisition, and immolate the Drama "and its interests, in an official 'auto da fé."

The familiar of this holy office, indeed, displays the burning zeal of a new convert: he is hardly invested with the insignia of his function, when he rushes forward to shew the edifying alacrity with which he pounces on a liberal thought, and would strangle a patriotic sentiment in its birth. Like a prophet, he may not perhaps, be honored in his own country:the sturdy spirit of an Englishman is not quite prepared for his operations; not yet rectified to the desired standard of political or poetical servility. There are, however, congenial scenes, where he would find himself more at

home; where his ardor would probably be more admired, and where it is to be regretted, that his powers are not exercised. How would he distinguish himself under the Autocrat of all the Russias, as "conservator morum" amongst Cossacks and Calmucks! With what appropriate vigour would he officiate as dramatic censor to the Dey of Algiers!

The zeal of this exemplary officer is, indeed, of a character which forcibly reminds us of the old adage: "defend me from my friends, and I will take care of my enemies." He pays the government under which he lives, and by which he has been so judiciously selected for the post he enjoys, the happy compliment to suppose, that if tyranny be but mentioned, oppression alluded to, or usurpation exposed, it is "a palpable hit" at our constituted authorities. With a precautionary naïveté,-an official étourderie, somewhat embarrassing, I should suppose, to the powers whom he so discreetly labours to propitiate, he proceeds to prove, that he considers our public function

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