Michael Blundell; and all that I can learn of him or them is this expression in the statutebook, being an answer of the Deemsters and twenty four Keys, chiefly on points of law, put to them by Sir John Stanley, A. D. 1422: "And as to the writing of laws, there was never any written since King Orry's days, but in the time of Michael Blundell, that we have know-. ledge of."

At this time it was declared by the deemsters and twenty four Keys that the twenty four Keys were not a necessary part of the government, but were dependant upon the Lord's pleasure. This declaration, and other grievances occasioned so much discontent among the people, that the Governor in one assault narrowly escaped with life. It was deemed prudent to temper rather than resist this spirit; and, in the year: 1430, the Governor assembled six men chosen by the people from each of the six sheadings, or divisions of the island, and from each of the six elected four. The twenty four were sworn into office, and proceeded to try offences.

This was a dawning of liberty, quickly overcast by the representatives themselves. So little idea had they of any permanent system of go

vernment, grounded in part upon democratic principles, that, as soon as any member died, the majority of the remainder proceeded to elect another. This establishment, however imper

fect, proved, nevertheless to be a great check to the encroachments of the Lord, and was of great service to the country.

In such a small territory as the Isle of Man, its inhabitants being nearly ignorant of commerce, new laws were seldom requisite; and we cannot tell, whether a legislative power was intended at this period to be given to the House of Keys. The first new law after this æra was in 1609, (unless, indeed, the Lord's resolutions of 1593, confirmed by the Council and Keys be so termed,) when the Keys were consulted upon the subject. The oppressive declaration had never been retracted, or qualified. Although they were not then the representatives of the

* In the statute of 1609, they are all named, and the preamble runs thus:

"Castle Rushen, 10th Oct. 1609. At an assembly of the lieutenant and other the officers, with the twenty four, called the keys of the land, for the consulting and determining of matters concerning the state of the land, there was these statutes ensuing made and enacted."

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people, but a self-elected body, they henceforth obtained a voice in the making of most laws and the preamble of this, and nearly all the future statutes mention the consent of the Lord, the Lord's Council or officers, Deemsters and twenty four Keys. At the same time it appears remarkable that several arbitrary orders of James Lord Strange, in 1636, did not occasion, as far as we know, any complaint; and that the Keys did not consent to, or remonstrate against a money-bill before the year 1736.

In the reign of Orry the constitution originated. It quickly died away: it revived: it was strengthened in the fifteenth century: it arrived at its zenith in the eighteenth century; but is now too much blended with the English government to retain any independence of its own.

The powers and limitations of the different parts of the government of Man seem never to have been well defined; and, in the legislative functions, to have been subject to considerable variations. I shall now speak of them separately.

The sovereign was formerly a feudal lord, and possessed much power over his subjects, claiming

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their services at all times.* How much power was vested in him, when the constitution came to be more settled, was not agreed upon by our greatest English lawyers; some, and amongst them Lord Coke, giving to him, not only judicial, but legislative authority; and others allowing to him, in the latter capacity, no more than a negative upon proposed laws. Chaloner seems to have imbibed the former opinion; for he says, in the dedication of his work to Lord Fairfax, "There is put into your hands the exercising of a legislative as well as ministerial authority in an eminent degree." Such as em

* Extracts from the beginning of the Statute-book, without either date or signature:

'Regulations.-First, that watch and ward be kept through your land as it ought, upon pain of life and lyme; for, whosoever fails any night in his ward forfeiteth a wether to the warden; and to the warden the second night a`cowe; and the third night, life and lyme to the lord.

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And, to charge all manner of men to be ready at your calling, upon pain of life and lyme.

"Also, touching the carriage of your turves, all your tenants of your six sheadings ought, by our laws, to carry your turves to your places as pleaseth you to have them, with all other carriages, suits and services, that are needful to you, within your land of Man: for it is use and custom of long time."

brace this opinion maintain that the authority of the House of Keys was formerly only judicial. The report of his Majesty's commissioners, appointed in 1792, without throwing much light upon the subject, serves only to confirm our doubts; for there we are told that "the laws, enacted in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries appear to have been prescribed by such different powers, or combinations of power, that, as precedents for the exercise of legislative authority, they can have little weight." It is, however, certain that, since the act of settlement of 1703, and probably for a long time before, the exertion of his Lordship's or of his lieutenant's legislative authority extended no further than a veto. Subsequently to this period, there has been no other change than the sale of the regalities, and certain revenues to the King of England, consequently Lord of the island; and the interference of the English legislature relative to the custom-house department.

The right of selling a royalty pre-supposes that the nation is composed of slaves; that the tenure of a king is an absolute property, not a trust. What would be thought of the King of England's selling his royalties to Buonaparte?