The civil magiftrate nothing to do

with the truth of religion.

But if by the term magistrate, he means that executive magiftratical power, which by the constitution is vefted in the king or fupreme executive power of the state, and from him is derived to all fubordinate civil magiftrates throughout the realm, the observation is perfectly abfurd and irrelevant: for the executive magiftrate has no legislative power; and he is equally bound by his duty and truft to enforce the laws, which make or which concern the civil eftablishment of religion, as any other laws whatsoever, which is very pointedly noticed by Dr. Priestley himself in another part of his works. *"The civil magiftrate has nothing to do with the truth of religion, being obliged to provide for that, which is profeffed by the majority of the fubjects, though he himfelf fhould be of a different perfuafion. Thus the king of Great Britain muft maintain epifcopacy in England and prefbyterianism in Scotland, whether he be a prefbyterian as king William, a Lutheran as Geo. I. or a true churchman as his present Majesty."

t "Others have the moderation and good fense to admit the reasonableness of perfons

*Letters to Mr. Burke, Lett. vi. p. 51.

+ Priestley's Effays on the Firft Principles of Government, p. 145.

being allowed to judge for themselves, and to think as they please in matters of religion, and even to exercise whatever mode of religion their confciences approve of; but they will not admit of any thing, that has a tendency to increase the obnoxious fect, no publication of books, or other attempts to make profelytes, nor even a reflection upon the established religion, though it be neceffary to a vindication of their own. But what fignifies a privilege of judging for ourselves, if we have not the neceffary means of forming a right judgment, by the perufal of books containing the evidence of both fides of the queftion? What fome diftinguish by the names of active and paffive oppofition to an established religion, differ only in name and degree. To defend myself, and to attack my adversary, is, in many cases, the very fame thing, and the

one cannot be done without the other."

This affumption of a right to reprobate and resist the civil establishment of religion appears to be founded upon the prefumption, that it is equally competent for every individual of the community to form his own mind upon the subject of religion. So fays Dr. Priestley to Mr. Burke, *" It is no un

Dr. Priestley's Letters to Mr. Burke, Let. vi. P. 51.

ftituted by Dr. Priestley upon falfe grounds.

common thing for what appears to be profound and extenfive wisdom to one man, to appear the extreme of folly to another; and unfortunately, owing perhaps to the difference of our education and early habits, this is precifely the difference between you and me. What you admire I defpife; and what you think highly useful, I am perfuaded is highly mischievous." Now were The difpute in this a matter of mere perfonal variance between Dr. Prieftley, and Mr. Burke upon a point of controvertible matter, those, who might think it worth their while to take the point of difference under their confideration, would either decide upon it by the degree of deference and authority, which they would allow to the contefting parties, or by the internal merits and evidence of the question in difpute. But in the prefent cafe the queftion is, how far any one individual is authorifed to oppose the folemn and formal act of the majority of the community. Mr. Burke has expreffed the known and avowed fentiments of the majority of this community, who have for fome centuries thought proper to apply a part of their power and authority, in fupporting that religious fyftem, which was the refult of their own free election. Dr.. Pricftley on behalf of himself, and of fome diffenters.

diffenters and fub-diffenters from this religious eftablishment, (though avowedly the minority of the community) not only fets up his own judgment in defiance and contradiction to the most folemn act of the majority, but he also treats it as an act of extreme folly and mischief.

As the legislative power does not attempt to fubject the intellects of individuals to the propriety or rectitude of its acts, but only to enfure their external and peaceable submisfion to them when once enacted; the want of reason, or even depravity of motive in enacting the laws, can never juftify a public or external oppofition or refiftance against them. I do not precifely know the proportion, which the number of diffenters of all denominations in this country bears to that of the establishment; but for argument fake I will fuppofe, that three out of nine millions are diffenters: there will remain fix millions, who certainly have individually as much right, and collectively more right to give civil fanction to their religion, than the three millions have to object against it. For by their making fuch an establishment, they do not enforce nor impofe the belief of their religion upon the minds and confciences of individuals; but prefuming, as the fact is, I 3

that

Reafons why the community

a civil establishment of religion.

that the adoption of religion is the free act of each of them, they agree to acknowledge and declare by a public civil act of that power, which is avowedly in them, that a particular religion is that, in the adoption of which the majority does concur. And because the majority does thus concur in its adoption, they think proper to appropriate a certain part of the national fund, of which they are the difpenfers, to the maintenance and fupport of the minifters of this religion, and they inveft them, according to their degrees, with certain civil or legal rights, benefits, and advantages; and in these alone confifts the civil establishment of a religion. In justice, however, to the majority of our community, who infist upon fuch an incorporation of an ecclefiaftical with the civil establishment of the state, I cannot omit to lay before my readers fome of the many reafons and motives for fuch their determination.

* "I affure you, I do not aim at fingulachufe to make rity. I give you opinions, which have been accepted amongst us from very early times. to this moment, with a continued and general approbation, and which indeed are so worked into my mind, that I am unable to

* Mr. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, P. 147, 148.

distinguish