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When I fay, that all the political power, which is poffeffed by the king, lords, and commons in this nation, is the free gift of the people, in the fame breath I admit, that by this gift the constitution and government of this country are brought to the highest poffible degree of perfection, of which any human inftitution of this nature is capable. Superficially, indeed, muft they view this inveftiture of power, who fancy, because the power is a trust, that magistrates therefore have duties, but no rights. The perfection of a gift depends not only upon the excellency of the boon, but also upon the efficacy of the means, by which the receiver is enabled to defend, preferve, and improve the enjoyment of it. I have before faid, that the community can only act for its welfare and prefervation; and it is truly admirable to contemplate the wifdom and fagacity, with which, by our conftitution, each branch of the legislature is enabled to defend and preserve the rights and powers, which have been refpectively delegated to them. The object of this delegation of power was, to render the diffolution

of the government as difficult as poffible; and the perfection of its execution is that stupendous equipoife of power, that renders it almost morally impoffible, that one branch of

the

the legislature fhould out-balance another. Thus do we obferve, from experience, that whatever be their derangement in a temporary convulfion of the ftate, they are fure to return, with peace and order, to their ancient level. And as in nature, the ferene funfhine, which immediately fucceeds a ftorm, adds peculiar luftre to the objects, which it irradiates, so most disturbances in our state have terminated in adding light and vigor to our constitutional rights and liberties. This is the halcyon view of our political conftitution, which Dr. Kippis reprefents immediately after the revolution of 1688:

«To

be favoured with a form of government, of

which liberty is the bafis, is the greatest of all temporal bleffings; and the nations, on which fo noble a gift has been bestowed, appear with peculiar glory in the hiftory of the world. It has been the happiness of Britain to poffefs this benefit in a high degree of perfection. The system of our government is not fingly a 'democracy, an aristocracy, or a monarchy; but an excellent compofition of the three. It adopts the advantages of these several schemes, and rejects their inconveniencies; it affumes the equality of a de

• Dr. Kippis's Sermon preached at the Old Jury on the 4th of Nov. 1788, p. 24, 25.

mocracy,

Pleafing view

of our conftitu

tion, by Dr.

Kippis.

The right of

the legislature to alter the go

vernment.

mocracy, without its confufion; the wisdom and moderation of an ariftocracy, in fome refpects, without its feverity in others; and the vigour of a monarchy without its tyranny; and it admirably provides for the diftinct exercise of the judicial authority. Hence, it presents a plan of power, which produces more true freedom, than perhaps has yet been enjoyed by any community, in any period."

The rights, which attended this donation or inveftiture of power, I fhall endeavour more particularly to illuftrate, when I feparately confider each branch of the legiflature. I fhall firft however, beg leave to premise fome leading obfervations, concerning the revolution and its principles and effects. As a member of the contented majority of this community or nation, I must from henceforth view and confider the fupreme legislative power completely vested in our parliament; and in them am I to seek the unalienable rights of the people, whom they completely reprefent; for in them the fovereignty of power to alter, change, amend, and improve the conftitution and government of the community indefeafibly refides. Whatever mental objections I may conceive against the truth of this propofition, as a

member

member of the community I am bounden, under the penalties of high treafon (and the community have a right to bind me) to keep

my opinion to myself: for *" if any perfon High treafon to fhall, by writing or printing, maintain and deny it. affirm, that the kings or queens of this realm, with and by the authority of parliament, are not able to make laws and ftatutes of fufficient validity to limit the crown, and the descent, inheritance, and government thereof, every such person fhall be guilty of high treafon." This act is as coercive upon me at this moment, as it was binding upon all my predeceffors, who were living at the time of its paffing into a law. The act neither gives nor declares any new rights, but emphatically imports fuch a reverential and awful conviction, that the fupreme or fovereign right and power of forming and changing our government, ever did and ever must reside in the people, that makes it treasonable (not to think) but to express a thought to the contrary.

* 4th Ann, c. viii. and 6th Ann, c. vii.

CHAP.

CHAP.

VIII.

OF THE REVOLUTION, AND OF ITS PRINCIPLES

AND EFFECTS.

HE avowal of the principles, which

THE

I have already endeavoured to establish, induces the mortifying neceffity of arguing upon the revolution, in a manner different from that great perfonage, whose talents and virtues are the ornament and glory of the prefent age: "They threw a politic well wrought veil over every circumstance tending to weaken the rights, which, in the meliorated order of fucceffion, they meant to perpetuate, or which might furnish a precedent for any future departure from what they had then fettled for ever." No wonder that the malcontents of the present day, when not permitted to attribute effects to their real causes, fhould fly into any extravagancy, which can be proposed to them. Mischief of de- Unlimited is the mischief of not avowing, or of denying or diffembling true principles. I neither fee the policy, nor admit of the ne

nying or diffembling true principles.

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