ceffity of putting extreme cafes to elucidate the truth of our conftitutional doctrine; but, though I make the largest allowances for the indelicacy, the indiscretion, the imprudence, the infolence, or the malice of this practice, ftill do I fee lefs evil in the confequences, than in one attempt to deny ör diffemble the truth of the first principles of civil government.

Since this nation or community has de

pofed its fovereign power with parliamentary deputies or reprefentatives, there can be no act of parliament, which is not the act of the people of England; nor can there be an act of the people of England, which is not an act of the parliament of England; whatever, therefore, may be faid of the one, may alfo with ftrictness be faid of the other. If therefore this fenfe and meaning be properly attended to, little offence, or even difpleasure, can be taken at most of the propofitions, that have been lately hazarded by the different leaders or fomenters of the difcon ́tented minority. Thus, if we come truly and impartially to confider the three rights, which Dr. Price reminded his audience, at the Old Jewry, were gained by the revolution, we shall find nothing falfe in his politicotheologic affertion, but that we gained

them

gave no new rights to the community.

The revolution them by the revolution; for the revolution gave no rights to the community, which the community did not before poffefs; but, by affording an opportunity of calling these rights into action, like all other practical examples, it threw light upon the principles, from which the rights themselves originated.

How Dr.

tions are to be understood.

The first of these is, the right to liberty of confcience in religious matters. I have before faid, and, I hope, to the conviction of my readers, that this is a right poffeffed by every individual in fuch a tranfcendent and inPrice's propofi- defeasible manner, that he effentially holds it independently of the community. The fecond is the right of refifting power when abufed. Having before fhewn, I hope alfo to the conviction of my readers, that all political power given or delegated by the community, is a trust, and confequently limited within certain bounds, it is evident and clear, that the community cannot be bound to fubmit to any excefs of power, which they themselves have not affented to. This affent is formally given by every one, who continues to remain a member of that community, which delegated the power to the parliament; and it is this affent, that constitutes,

the original compact between the governors

and governed. The actual limitation of any political

political power, is a metaphyfical demonftration that it originated from, and depends upon a fuperior, who formed the limits. The tranfgreffion of thefe limits is a violation of the trust; it is either ufurpation or tyranny, and confequently a direct breach of the original compact on the part of the governors; the governed cease to be bound to a power not affented to by them; there arifes then a diffolution of the government, and the people have a right to refift the exactions of this affumed or ufurped authority.

The third of these rights, which Dr. Price represents as gained or obtained by the revolution is, * The right to chufe our own governors, to cashier them for misconduct, and to frame a government for ourselves. The general fubstance of these propofitions is certainly true; but the method, which this zealous apostle of liberty has adopted to convey the truth to his

* Dr. Price, in the fame fermon, p. 35. "I would further direct you to remember, that though the revolution was a great work, it was by no means a perfect work; and that all was not then gained, which was neceffary to put the kingdom in the fecure and complete poffeffion of the bleffings of liberty. In particular, you should recollect, that the toleration then obtained was imperfect; it included only thofe, who could declare their faith in the doctrinal articles of the church of England.”

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congregation, I must own, is rather of an infidious nature, and without judging very rafhly, we may be allowed to think it calculated to infpire his auditors with a difcontented contempt for their governors, and excite them to an attempt to alter or fubvert the present system and form of government. Whereas, fince, as Milton fays, the inftitution of magiftracy is jure divino, I think I need not use argument to prove, that it is emphatically the duty of the minifters of God, to enforce from his facred tribunal, the obligation of fubmitting to their authority. And, indeed, it must in justice be allowed, that this political evangelift does not leave his pulpit, without fhewing to his congregation, that he is fully aware of this firft duty of his station. * "There is undoubtedly a particular deference and homage due to civil magistrates, on account of their ftations and offices; nor can that man be either truly wife, or truly virtuous, who defpifes governments, and wantonly fpeaks evil of his rulers; or who does not, by all the means in his power, endeavour to strengthen their hands, and to give weight to their exertions in the discharge of their duty. Fear God, fays St. Peter. Love the brotherhood. Honour all men. Honour the

king. You must needs, fays St. Paul, be sub ject to rulers, not only for wrath (that is, from the fear of fuffering the penalties annexed to the breach of the laws), but for confcience fake. For rulers are minifters of God, and revengers for executing wrath on all that do evil." Were the whole tenor of Doctor Price's difcourfe conformable with this part of it, no other than the most defirable effects could have been produced by it; and in the encreasing duty and fubmiffion of his flock to the powers placed over them, would the fruits of their loyal paftor's address be discovered.

Mr. Locke, in the preface to his Treatise upon Civil Government, fays; *" he allows its juft weight to this reflection, that there cannot be done a greater mischief to prince and people, than the propagating wrong notions concerning government, that fo at laft, all times might not have reason to complain of the drum ecclefiaftic." Now, if the congregation affembled at the Old Jewry understood and felt, as well as their pastor, that by the words, our own and ourselves, were meant and intended the whole community, completely represented by the king, lords, and commons, the first and third part of this