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Taries of the

to him and obey his commands. History
tells us, that the whole navy of England were
likely to remain staunch unto him; nor is
there any reason to imagine, that the army,
which was commanded by lord Feversham,
would have deserted from him; and it is
more than probable, that had king James the
Second, even at this time, shewn the fmallest
degree of energy, fpirit, or rectitude in go-
verning, he would have prevented the great-
est part of the nation from joining with the

prince of Orange
The rights and No fort of comparison can be drawn be-
king and people tween the rights and duties of a sovereign in
reciprocal.

his political capacity, and those of a subject
in the natural capacity of an individual; for,
as I have before observed, the rights of the
fovereign are, in fact, the duties of the subject,
and the duties of the fovereign are the rights
and liberties of the subject. Now no one
can deny that the community have in them-
felves an indefeasible right of preserving their
own rights and liberties, and these in our
community chiefly consist in the advantages
of a limited and efficient monarchy; and if
that be by any means done away or abolish-
ed, it necessarily induces an actual dissolution
of that government, by which the commu-
nity had agreed to be governed.

Anarchy

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Anarchy is allowed by all writers to be

The principle

of self-preserthe greatest political misfortune, which can

vation supplies befal a state, and the first principle of self- the means of

preventing anpreservation supplies every community with archy. the right and the means of preventing and avoiding it. Attention to this last principle will at one glance develop the necessity, and justify the adoption of the revolution; for at that time the nation was in a state of the most dreadful fermentation, and there could not be a stronger necessity for efficient energy in the executive power of government, in order to allay and counteract the ferment, which threatened the very subversion of the nation. In this critical posture of affairs, every action of the sovereign will be perceived to draw with it the most important consequences; nor can we in passing judgment upon themn make any allowances for personal prejudice, or want of judgment, knowledge, resolution, or courage.

I shall not resume the question, whether England or Scotland expressed with more propriety the actual cessation of king James's reign, when the former used the term abdication, and the latter forfeiture of the crown. The actual exercise of the executive powers The ceffation of of the supreme magistrate is absolutely necef- the executive Lary for the actual fubsistence of the English diffolution of

monarchy;

the exercise of

power an actual

government,

monarchy; if, therefore, king James the Second did, as far as he could, annihilate or even suspend the operation of the supreme executive powers, it must be allowed that he did all that he could to annihilate, for the time at least, the very existence of the English monarchy. We need therefore only to consider in what state this nation would have been, had it been left but for the space of one month in the situation, in which king James endeavoured to leave it ; and we shall from thence be able to form a satisfactory judgment of the rights, which the nation so abandoned had in them to fecure their own préservation. He withdrew, in the person of the king, the whole executive power of

government; he called in his writs, which were about to be issued for convening a parliament; he dismissed his judges; he threw the great feal of England into the river; he disbanded the army without pay; and let

loose a lawless armed force upon the nation. The actions of Now if a supreme executive magistrate, upon absolute aban- whom all subordinate magistrates depend,

if the administration of justice, if armed force on certain occasions be requisite for preserving our present constitutional form of government, it is felf-evident, that a king who has by overt and unequivocal acts attempted to

8

deprive

donment of his sovereignty.

deprive the community of these neceffary means of support and preservation, must be allowed to have done whatever he could to diffolve the government, and involve the nation in anarchy and confusion. In this light the warmest devotee to the house of Stuart cannot surely deny, that king James the Second by these acts ceased, while their effects could last, to be that supreme executive power, which our constitution requires the king to be. The actual duration of these effects could not by possibility be known to the nation; and therefore as a community, upon the common principle of self-preservation, they had the indefeafible right of adopting fuch measures, as they thought most conducive to attain that end. For if a government be actually dif- Right of the nafolved for one hour, by the act of the go- model the governor, the primeval rights of the governed wholy at the to chuse, square, and model their own government, revive in the same extent, as they enjoyed them before the formation of the governnient so diffolved. And upon these principles we must at this day candidly allow, that our ancestors, in 1688, did actually poffefs the right to make a new limitation of the crown, and to annex a new condition to the tenure of it.

tion to new

revolution.

If we take an impartial view of the whole transaction, we shall necessarily conclude; that our ancestors were satisfied with the general form and tenor of our constitution and government, by their continuing and confirming the greatest part, when an opportunity offered itself of new modelling the whole; and considering that their then actual state of anarchy, and the preceding ferment and disturbances in the nation were by the majority of them attributed to their sovereigns profefsing a different religion from their own, it is not surprising, that for the preservation and security of their own, as well as the peace and tranquility of their pofterity, they should have taken the most effectual means of preventing the occasion of any such disasters in future. It was in fact a duty incumbent upon them to do it, under the prepossessions of the majority of the community at that time.

If king James the Second, circumstanced fames should have done, noe as he was in the year 1688, had

put

himself at the head of his army and militia; had he convened a free parliament; had he paid attention to the advice of his bishops, and the remonstrances of several of his people; and had he fummoned all his liege subjects to their allegiance; whatever rebellion might

What king

to have abdibated.

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