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The malcon

tents under ge

neral propofitions catch at

every novelty.

encourage every attempt to enlighten others who may. Dr. Price has faid truly, * Our first concern, as lovers of our country, must be to enlighten it; and is it not because they are kept in darkness, and want knowledge, that mankind fubmit to be treated as if they were a berd of cattle? Enlighten them, and you will elevate them. This is wholesome doctrine, and if rightly applied, will produce much good. But I wifh daily experience did not fatally convince us, how grofsly it is mifap-. plied and abused. I prefume not absolutely to determine, that the effects of the scholars imbibing these precepts, are ftrictly attributable to the intention of the teacher in inculcating them. No error nor abuse was ever attempted to be fupported, but under the cover of fome uncontrovertible general pofition. Thus protected, the malcontents of the day are taught voraciously to catch at every novelty, that can throw difrepute and difaffection upon our prefent establishment in church and state, with the intent to weaken, if they cannot diffolve, the bond of their union and fubmiffion to it. Every novelift, every theorist, is now a politician, informing, inftructing, illuminating mankind; and *Price, ubi fupra,

feldom

formerly

feldom does the barb or poifon within these glittering baits of knowledge and liberality shew its deadly effects, till the wound is irremediable. With all the boasted preferences, Falfe policy which our prefent existence gives us over our known and repredeceffors, I find, that about two centuries jected. ago this fort of political angling was also the favourite amufement of the malcontents of those days; and whether the fhoals of gudgeons were then more or lefs numerous than at prefent, certain it is, that there then were, in fome of our predeceffors, fufficient knowledge, penetration, and firmnefs, to detect and reject the flattering delufion. *« Amongst many errors concerning religion, which are currant in this unfortunate age, none is more dangerous or pernitious, than the opinion of fuch, as are commonly called politikes; fo named, not because they practize true and perfect policie, but because they esteeme themselves, or are of many falfly reputed for prudent and politike men; and, therefore, as the Latin word tyrannus, which at fiift did fignify a monarche and abfolute kinge, came afterwardes, by the abuse of roial authority to fignify only a tyrant, and as in like manner the word latrones fignified

Fitzherbert's Preface to his Treatife concerning Policy and Religion, printed in 1605.

The fame propofition often

the most oppo

fite effects in the fame perfon.

at the first, such as were the guards of princes, and grew in time by their disloyalty to be understood of robbers and theeues; fo alfo, though the name of a politike doth fignify in deede fuch a one, as practizes that parte of humaine prudence, which concerneth state, and is properly called policy, yet by the abuse of fuch, as profeffe the fame, it beginneth in all languages to be taken in euil parte, and is commonly applyed only to those, who framinge a policy after their own fancy, no leffe repugnant to reason, than to confcience and religion, change all the course of true wisdome and prudence, and peruert the order of nature it felfe, preferring things leffe worthy before the more worthy, inferiour thinges before fuperiour, corporal before spiritual, temporal before eternal, humane before deuine, the body before the foule, earth before heauen, and the world before God."

True propofitions may be fo applied to productive of perfons, times, and circumftances, as to produce the most oppofite effects: the fame idea will impel the fame individual, according to the difpofition or affection of the moment, to the most contrary emotions. I will inftance a paffage in Dr. Price's fermon, which would probably excite very different fentiments in the breast of the fame perfon,

in

in the full glow of gratitude for royal favour, in the chapel of St. James, and foured with the lofs of place or penfion in the difcontented congregation of the Old Jewry: *«Civil governors are, properly, the fervants of the public; and a king is no more, than the first servant of the public, created by it, maintained by it, and refponfible to it; and all the homage paid him is due to him on no other account, than his relation to the public; his facredness is the facredness of the community; his authority is the authority of the community; and the term of majesty, which it is usual to apply to him, is by no means his own majefty, but the majesty of the people; for this reason, whatever he may be in his private capacity, and though, in respect of perfonal qualities not equal to, or even far below many among ourfelves, for this reafon, I fay, (that is, as representing the community and its magiftrate) he is entitled to our reverence and obedience. The words moft excellent majefty † are rightly applied to

* Dr. Price's Difc. on the Love of our Country, p. 23, 24.

+ The word majesty is not, at least was not always, effential to exprefs that conftitutional deference and respect, which are due to the fovereign; for, according to history, king Henry VIII. was the first of our fovereigns, to whom the term majesty was attributed.

Treafon to deny the king's prerogative.

The abfolute honour of the king is the

relative honour of the people.

8

him; and there is a refpect, which it would be criminal to withold from him."

Since it would be treasonable for any British fubject openly to maintain, that the conftitution of this kingdom does not veft the fupreme executive power in the fingle perfon, who by the fixed rule of hereditary defcent, fhall have fucceeded to the throne; it is equally true and certain, that the conftitution has affixed a certain limitation of prerogative or power to this perfon fo in poffeffion of the throne, which it would also be treafonable in any fubject or member of the community to question or deny. I do not think it very material to canvass the motives, which draw from fubjects that refpect and reverence to the king's majefty, which Dr. Price fays it would be criminal to withhold, Thofe, who derive the king's fovereignty immediately from Almighty God, can fcarcely be conceived limited in their reverence and homage to his vicegerent upon earth; those, who trace it from the immediate appointment of the community, undervalue and contemn the people, in proportion as they fubftract from the majefty of their appointee; for the refufal of the abfolute honours to the prince, is the difavcwal of the relative honour to the people.. I fhall, therefore, here

after

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