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History must record the events that happen in time, that future ages may know what has passed in former periods of the world, and take an example and warning from the transactions of their predecessors. An Historian should know no party, but record truth. Adulation and flattery, as well as rancor and prejudice, are inconsistent with the character of an honest historian. The author presumes that yoạr Majesty will meet with none of these in this History. Love of liberty, and of his sovereign, has made him write freely; and if he have any ruling prejudice, it is in favour of his Country, his King, and the Law. Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to accept of this humble address of a subject, who is sincerely attached to the Brunswick family; who loves his King and country, values liberty and religion, and reveres the British constitution: who sincerely wishes that your Majesty, your royal confort, and family, may live long, that it may be your happiness to rule with wisdom, live in tranquillity, and make your subjects happy,---and at last enjoy a kingdom, incorruptible, undefiled, and that fadeth not away ;

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War more celebrated in bistory than the arts of peace

the American War proceeded from two caufes-an account of the Cyder Act--the Stamp Axt-debates concerning it-an abridgment thereof--arguments for and against it-the proceeding of the Colonists againt it--the American's would have defended themselves without our help-the parliament would not suffer them - Doctor Franklin's letter to Governor Shirley,

WAR, though of all things the most destructive to the human species, and contrary to the original dictates of nature, has in all ages of the world filled up a great part of the history of nations. The lairs and constitutions of kingdoms, and the improvements of virtue and science, make a small figure in the annals of empires, when compared with the ponderous volumes that contain the archievements of soldiers, and the rise and progress of war. The works of Archimedes, Socrates, and Plato; the laws of Solon and other eminent legislators, fill up

but a few pages in comparison of the history of the wars of Greece and Rome. It is custom that renders the most difagreeable things familiar, makes things disgustful at


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first, afterwards pleasant; and stamps the most abandoned of all actions with the epithet of glory. The glory of war is a creature of the imagination; often formed by caprice, nursed by policy, and manumitted by public authority; when yet this unnatural creature of fancy, instead of promoting public or private happiness, is the torment of the poffeffor, and the universal bane of all society. A thirst after this glory, and a pro: penfity for renown in martial exploits, have made fruit, ful countries a wilderness, cities a desolation, and empires scenes of slaughter; this unnatural appetite drags the parent from his fąmily, the children from their pa, rents,renders the widow desolate, the children fartherless, and the father without offspring.

Hence it becomes glorious to thirst for blood, an honour to spoil our neighbours, and the dignity of men to live by rapine. It is magnanimity to fall at the command of princes; and to return mạimed from battle, though in an unjult cause, is accounted bravery in the lowest individual. By giving false names and epithets to things, and by frequently repeating them as - matę ters of the highest importance, they at last leave an impression which becomes a principle of action in the minds of such as do not examine them.

The present war in America seems to have proceeded from two general causes; an excessive desire of dominion in government, and an exceeding great jealousy in the people of the colonies, of ministerial deligns against their natural rights and liberties. It cannot be disputed that the legislature in Great Britan, as well as the executive power, by modern statutes of parliament, which had all the appearance of selfishness, and domination, gave sufficient ground of jealousy to the colonies. I'rom the pre- : -tence of expences and disbursements, laid out for the


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defence of America, the government of the mother country claimed a right of internal taxation, unknown to the English constitution ; and proceeded to frame new laws, which in their own nature declared that the sole right of legislation remained in the parliament of England. In this case the subjects of the empire in that western part of the world were considered, not as other subjects, but as vassals, under absolute authority, to a legislature, in which they had none to represent them, and who were not under fufficient obligations to pay regard to their interest. The láte war with France and Spain, had added an enormous weight of debt to our former national burdens, and the peace that was but lately concluded had given us an addition of territory, without making us any richer than we were before. As soon as peace gave the nation time to reflect, it was found that the flattering ideas of conquest could not remove the feelings, which the pressure of so many millions of debt, had impressed on our national constitution. It was expected that our debts would have been lefsened, our taxes reduced, and our burdens lightened; but the hot fever of war had so relaxed the solids of the body politic, and weakened the whole frame of the constitution, that the nation soon after the ratification of the peace, appeared in the second stage of a consumption. The conductors of the last stages of the war, who had only proceeded upon the plan which a minister, the glory of his country, had formed before, were obliged ignominiously to drop it, for want of credit and capacity to carry it on; and ratified a peace as inglorious as the war had been successful. Though an indifferent peace . is preferable to even a successful state of war, yet when a nation is laden with a burden of enormous debt, contracted for its own defence against a perverse ene


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my, wisdom and political prudence, will certainly vina dicate a nation, in making their enemies, when they are in their power, pay as much of the debt contracted as it is possible to obtain from them. The negotiators of the peace were considered by the nation as men unfriendly to the common interest, and persons, who, when they were sensible of their incapacity to carry on the war, were determined to conclude a peace, with as much advantage to their own private interest as possible. Demands which might have protracted a war, which they neither had genius nor cre. dit to carry on, were industrioufly avoided, and the more mild requisitions of private douceurs were supposed to have been adopted. Whether this jealousy of the nation proceeded from á fufpicion founded in distrust, or from signatures which implied moral certainty, I will not pretend to determine ; but it was the general opinion of the people at that period, that the French ministry purchased the peace, and that fome persons of no small distinction in England, received the price thereof. What gave more weight to these sufpicions of the people on this occafion was, that their favourite minister, who had recovered the nation from disgrace, and exalted it to an high pitch of glory and renown, had for some time been displaced, through the influence of the royal favourite, who now was supposed to manage all the springs of government. It is so seldom that a prime minister is universally esteemed, that when such a phænomenon happens in the political world, it must be an unpopular action in a sovereign, to turn him out of office, without setting forth fome conspicuous acts of his mal-administration. The whole tranfa&tions concerning the peace, being carried on by men of different complexions and characters from their former minister, afforded ground of


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