monopoly of it. The tobacco which they received in exchange for articles furnished the inhabitants, was by them carried to all parts of Europe, contrary to the navigation acts; these acts being at that time, entirely disregarded by the merchants of New-England. These traders, as Mr Grahame inform us, had penetrated into the interior of the province, and brought their goods to every man's door; and "had obtained a monopoly of the produce of Albemarle, and habituated the planters to a traffic, which they preferred on account of its ease and simplicity, to the superior emolument of more distant commercial transactions." The proprietaries were determined to divert this trade directly to Great Britain, and with this view, they sent out a new governor by the name of Eastchurch; and one Miller was, by the commissioners of the customs, appointed the first collector of the duties in the province. Eastchurch being detained in the West Indies, Miller was by him sent forward to act as governor, as well as collector of the customs.

He (Miller) was reproached, and perhaps justly, with some arbitrary exertions of power; but the rock on which his authority finally split, was an attempt to promote a more direct trade with Britain, and with the other colonies, in order to destroy the monopoly enjoyed by the traders of NewEngland, whom the proprietaries regarded as injudicious rivals, and dangerous associates of the people of Carolina. At length, on the arrestment of a New-England trader, who was accused of smuggling, an insurrection broke forth among the settlers of Pasquetanke, one of the districts of Albemarle; and the flame quickly spread through the whole colony. The insurgents were chiefly conducted by Culpepper, who had formerly excited commotions in the settlement of Ashley river, and whose experience, in such enterprizes, seems to have formed his sole recommendation to the regard of his present associates. As the government possessed no power capable of withstanding them, they soon acquired undisputed possession of the country; and having deposed the president, who was the chief object of their indignation, they committed him and seven of the proprietary deputies to prison. They seized the royal revenue, amounting to three thousand pounds, which they appropriated to the support of the revolt; they established courts of justice, appointed officers, convoked a parliament, inflicted punishments on all who presumed to oppose them, and, for several years, exercised the authority of an independent government.

Culpepper and one Holden were afterwards sent to England by the insurgents, to offer submission to the proprietaries, on condition of their proceedings being ratified, and Miller declared and treated as a delinquent. Miller and others, who had been imprisoned, made their escape, and about the same time appeared in England, with their complaints. The proprietaries were divided among themselves, and did not act with decision, and Shaftsbury openly encouraged Culpepper.

"Thus powerfully supported," says Mr. Grahame, "Culpepper seemed to have prevailed over his opponents, and was preparing to return

to Carolina, when he was accused by the commissioners of the customs, (at the private instigation, most probably, of the palatine, and others of the proprietaries,) of the offenses of acting as collector without their authority, and of embezzling the king's revenue. He was seized on board a vessel in the Downs, under a warrant from the privy council; and his case being referred to the committee of plantations, the proprietaries no longer scrupled, nor indeed could in decency refuse, to come forward as his accusers; in consequence of which, the report of the committee impeached him, not only of embezzlement of the customs, but of having promoted a rebellion in the province. It was in vain for him to acknowledge the facts, and beg for mercy, or at least that he might be sent for trial to Carolina, where the offense had been committed; his powerful avengers wero determined to wreck the uttermost vengeance on so daring an opponent of legitimate authority, and by virtue of a statute of Henry the Eighth, which enacted that foreign treasons might be tried in England, he was brought to trial in the court of king's beach, on an indictment of high treason committed without the realm." "His destruction," adds Mr. Grahame, "at first appeared inevitable; for the judges pronounced, that to take up arms against the proprietary government was treason against the king; and the amplest evidence was produced of every circumstance requisite to constitute the crime. But Shaftsbury, who was then in the meridian of his popularity, appearing in behalf of the prisoner, and representing, contrary to the most undoubted facts, that there had never been any regular government in Albemarle, and that its disorders were mere feuds between the planters, which at worst could amount to no higher offense than a riot, easily prevailed with the jury to return a verdict of acquittal." Vol. II. p. 122.

This is the famous case, which, nearly a century after, was deemed of sufficient authority to warrant the king and parliament, in ordering the people of Boston who had been guilty of an affray or riot, in consequence of the seizure of the ship Liberty by the commissioners of the revenue, to be transported to England, and there tried for high treason under the same statute of Henry the Eighth. And it is not a little singular, that in both instances the riots immediately originated from the same cause; in the seizure of New-England vessels, for breaches of the navigation

acts.

While the author of the work under consideration has stated, that, "no encouragement seems ever to have been given by the English government to the cultivation of science and literature in the American provinces, except in the solitary instance of a donation by William and Mary, in aid of the college which took its name from them in Virginia;" he has done justice to the literary character, and institutions of the colonists themselves. The policy of the parent state in this respect was indicated at different times, by some of the royal governors.

Sir William Berkley, at an early period, as is well known, thanked God, that there were no free schools or printing presses in Virginia, and he added, "I hope we shall not have them here these hundred years. For learning has brought heresy and disobedience and sects in the world, and printing has divulged them, and pro

duced libels against the best government: God keep from us both!" And another baronet, Sir William Keith, afterwards said, "as to the college erected in Virginia, and other designs of the like nature, which have been proposed for the encouragement of learning, it is only to be observed in general, that although great advantages may accrue to the mother state both from the labor and luxury of its plantations, yet they will probably be mistaken, who imagine that the advancement of literature and the improvement of arts and sciences, in our American colonies, can be of any service to the British state." In accordance with the same policy, the king and council, always disallowed every act of the general court of Massachusetts, enlarging the power of the corporation of Harvard College; principally because the general court refused to yield to the king and his governor the power of visitation.

This policy very fortunately was counteracted by the colonists themselves, even in those provinces which were subjected to royal governors and councils.

The

The college of William and Mary in Virginia, was granted on the application of the Virginians themselves; and in obtaining this charter, as well as other charters for similar institutions from the legislatures of some of the colonies, as well as in the establishment of common schools, the clergy were the most efficient actors. agent of Virginia, who obtained the charter from William and Mary, was a clergyman of the church of England; and he met with no little difficulty, from the opposition of some of the legal advisers of the crown.

Although, in the work before us, we could expect little that was new, respecting the character and institutions of the first settlers of New-England, yet we cannot but feel gratified, when a foreigner pays a tribute of praise, which we deem justly due, to the literary as well as religious worth of our ancestors.

"New-England," says Mr. Grahame, "having been colonized by men, not less eminent for learning than piety, was distinguished at a very early period, by the labors of her scholars, and the dedication of her literature to the interests of religion. The theological works of Cotton, Hooker, the Mathers and other New-England divines, have always enjoyed a very high degree of esteem and popularity, not only in New-England, but in every protestant country of Europe. The annals of the colony, and the biography of its founders and their immediate successors, were written by contemporary historians with a minuteness, which was very agreeable and interesting to the first generation of their readers, and to which they were prompted, in some measure at least, by the conviction they entertained that their country had been honored with the signal favor and more especial guidance and direction of Providence. This conviction, while it naturally betrayed the writers into the faults of prolixity, enforced, by the strongest sanctions, the accuracy and fidelity of their narrations. Accordingly, what they considered the peculiar dealings of God with a people peculiarly his own, they presumed not to disguise the infirmities of their

countrymen; nor did they desire to guy the divine grace in the inf
on of human virtue, above the divine tiene in enduring homan frailty
imperfection. The errors and flings of the illustrious men, whose he
they related, gave additional weight to the impression, which she al
they desired to convey, that the emunization of New-England was a
traordinary work of heaven, that the counsel and virtue by which a
been carried on, were not of ham origin, and that the glory of Gol
been displayed, no less in imparting the strength and wish, d
overruling the weakness and perversity of the instruments which de
el to employ And be adds, that the education and habits of
ple of New-England prepared them to receive the full force of th
pressions which their national literature was calculated to prin
no country have the benefits of knowledge been more highly p
more generally diffused. Institutions for the education of
coeval with the foundation of the first colonial community, and
Pagated with every accession to the population and every ere
settlement Vol. I. pp. 490-193

The settlers of New-England, were, it is bel
people in the world, who made provision by law,
cation Whatever patronage might have been
by individuals to the parish schools in Scotian
provision for their support was made in that

Massachusetts, as early as 1647, a general
this subject. The clergy and civilians united
object; and they were alike determined amo
without the aid of European seminaries,
that instruction which they deemed necess
perpetuate those principles, for which they h

With this object in view, a college was f
as early as 1638, called after the name of the
its principal benefactor. Sixty years afterw
lar institution, and with simlar views, was f
These two colleges have been the fa
they have sent forth a greater number of
than any, perhaps all the other colleges in A
as New-England men and manners shall be
the generous founders and benefictes af
remembered and revered

The "grammar schools," as they are
by law in New-England, for the purpose
sary preparation for higher stations in the
The number of clergymen, at the
and for many years

One "4 44 4

both Aut ter

vere so destitute of ministers, that some legislative encourE-
⚫ for their settlement in the province, was deemed neces
n March of that year, a law was passed, granting the sum
y pounds sterling to any person, who should, at his own
charges, "transport a sufficient minister into the colony."
ahame informs us, that about the year 1696, in conse
an application of some of the planters in Carolina, an
was formed at Dorchester in Massachusetts, to en-
esettlement of churches, and the promotion of religion
hern plantations," and that in the same year, the persons
ated, with their minister, removed to a place near
which was called Dorchester.

xtent to which we have insensibly been led, admon
the patience of our readers must be exhausted, and
to conclude. We would observe however that, as
er consideration, has not, to our knowledge, heer
country, and as few of the London copies have
r observation, we have been more liberal in our
account; presuming that the sentiments and opin
er, respecting the character and institutions of the
great republic, so much in accordance with our
e read, without some degree of pleasure, as wel

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