the English colonies on our borders will be peaceably dissevered from the remote mother-country, and the whole continent, from the Gulf of Mexico to the Coast of Labrador, present the unbroken outline of one compact empire of friendly confederated states.'-N. Amer. Review.

This language, we should think, must startle the most inconsiderate of our readers. It needs no seer-craft to appreciate the drift of the writer's invitations and inuendos-and we are happy to add, is needs nothing but the knowledge of a few plain facts to shatter his prophecy to pieces. If ever our North American colonies should take up the ambition to be incorporated with the republic in their neighbourhood, they will have parted with the strongest feelings which at present pervade them, in almost every branch of society: such an effect could not be produced by anything short of gross folly and injustice here-and we devoutly hope no British minister will ever be found guilty of acting on such principles as are assumed throughout the whole of this section of Sir Henry Parnell's work.

The Baronet assumes, that if we were now to divest ourselves of our North American provinces, we might make them an independent state, and that, in intercourse with them as such, we should have every commercial advantage which we are now supposed to possess. First, we cannot make them an independent state; nor, if we could, should we dispose them to be one friendly to us, by the act of throwing them off prematurely for selfish and narrow reasons. We may train them to become such; but this must be by a mode of treatment very different from that which the author's Financial Reform' inculcates. There is no higher object of policy than to raise up, in that quarter, a powerful and finally independent state-as there is no doubt we may doprovided we continue to act on the old-fashioned principles, which have no place in the philosophy of Sir Henry Parnell. But 2dly, It is assumed that, if we had no colonies, we should be able to purchase from them, as independent states, at a lower price to the consumer, the articles which we now get from them as colonies. Treating this as a mercantile, and not a political consideration— does the writer not perceive that, by divesting ourselves of our colonies, we should render ourselves entirely dependent on foreign states, and, consequently, be obliged to deal with them on their own terms? So long as we possess sources from which to procure what raw materials we require, we can retaliate and compete; but, without these, we must submit to take what we must have, upon such terms as it may please the seller to dictate. Applying, however, his theory to Canada and our other possessions on the continent of North America, the reformer states (p. 256), that no case can be made out to show that, if those provinces were formed into an independent state, we should not draw every commercial

advantage

advantage from them which we are now supposed to have,-that neither our manufactures, foreign commerce, nor shipping, would be injured by such a measure; that the nation has lost greatly by holding Canada, the annual charge for which on the British treasury is full 600,000l.; and that 50 or 60 millions have thus been expended accordingly. Before we proceed to make out, as we shall, a very strong case, exactly in the teeth of these assertions, we may notice, en passant, that Sir Henry's calculations are nearly as erroneous as his policy is absurd: for 600,000l. multiplied by 57, the number of years elapsed since Canada became ours, is about 20 millions-that is, just two-thirds short of what he states the drain to be; and this charged against us, without noticing any balancing, and as we shall show over balancing, considerations.

Since the author has stated it as his grand desideratum, that our trade with a colony should resemble that with an independent state, it will be of some use to show him, what the trade with the United States is at present, and what it is soon likely to become under the prohibitory system of policy adopted, and perseveringly adhered to, by that government.

The whole British tonnage trading to those British provinces in the year 1772, taken on an average of the three preceding years, was only 86,745 tons. That now trading to the British provinces is, as has already been stated, 400,841 tons, employing 21,000 The whole tonnage of the United Kingdom, in 1828, was 2,094,347 tons-consequently the British North American trade was then, and is now, about one-fifth of the whole foreign trade of the country; and that fifth should be considered a home trade, with a home market.

seamen.

The amount of British manufactures consumed in British North America, in the year 1828, was 2,000,000l. value. The population of these provinces in that year may be taken at one million, so that they take in value about 40s. each person, per annum, of British goods.

The amount of British manufactures imported into the United States from the United Kingdom, in 1826, (see Watterston's Statistics,) was 26,181,800 dollars, which, at 4s. 6d., is 5,876,9751. The population of the United States for that year may be taken at 12,000,000, so that the people of the United States do not take, per person, one-fourth so much of British goods as the people of the British colonies.

This is easily explained. The States of America, when our colonies, received from Great Britain every description of manufacture, and, till comparatively a recent period, continued to be dependent on Great Britain for such. If they had been properly

treated

treated by the British government, and had that government not been factiously opposed at the time by a rash and reckless party in Parliament, they might have remained our colonies to this day. But having separated from us, as the reformer would induce, if not oblige, the others to do, the independent States are now manufacturing very extensively for themselves, and beginning to rival us in many articles in the foreign markets, under a system the very reverse of that upon the principles of which he constructs his reasoning. It is undoubtedly a great deal cheaper to descend to be a feeble, and to submit to be an inferior power, than to be rich and powerful; and, if perpetual peace could only be established, and we could persuade all other nations to adopt practically Sir H. Parnell's notions of commercial policy, the wisdom of retaining our foreign possessions might be doubtful. But how, without these, could Great Britain have gone through the late struggle against all Europe? The very sources of her industry, the materials of her manufacture, half the elements of her greatness, might have been cut off by such a combination as has been already witnessed among foreign nations ;-a combination which nothing but the colonial power of Great Britain could prevent their renewing, or enable her to defy.

But why does the financial reformer halt at the conclusion that the number of colonies should be reduced? If his reasons are good for anything, they are good to prove that no colonies can be so beneficial to the parent as the same countries would be in the character of independent states. According to this the whole should be declared independent; trade made perfectly free; ships and troops recalled and paid off. Ireland, by the same rule, should be given upto Mr. O'Connell-and then, at last, a general prosperity, a commercial millennium, might be expected!

But, even if the author's reasoning were unanswerable, is it safe for this country to act upon the theory, before others are equally convinced of its soundness, and adopt it accordingly? The old prejudices, that mankind are benefited by associations for the exchange of labour under mutual compacts of a protective nature, and that it is impossible to apply pure and original theories, however true, to artificial statistical conditions, and to the infinite and peculiar varieties which may exist among their productions and pursuits, these prejudices (as Sir. H. Parnell takes them to be) are still so inveterate, that there is danger, if we should discard our colonies, of their forming a new confederacy either with some rival power, or with each other, for the express purpose of adhering to the former system, to keep up the same kind of monopoly, as it is termed; and even if the reformer had shown that we gain nothing by having the monopoly in our favour,

he

he must admit that we have something to lose in the case of one
being formed against us. Foreign powers, without exception,
still remain most obstinately attached to the old system. They
seem to prefer the example by which our power was created, to the
theories by which they and we are told it may be increased-but
by which, in our humble opinion, as well as in theirs, it is much
more likely to be undermined and ruined.

INDEX

TO THE

FORTY-SECOND VOLUME OF THE QUARTERLY REVIEW.

ABERNETHY (Mr.), curious story related | Ball, (Mr.) his clever pamphlet on the trade