privilege in plain terms as a novel, tyrannical, and monstrous invasion of settled law and constitutional principle. We cited authorities and cases in support of our argument, which we were glad to see afterwards adduced with great power and success on the same side by abler hands.

The unshaken firmness of Lord DENMAN and his learned brethren, supported by the voice of public opinion speaking through the independent portion of the Press, was too strong for the assumed authority of the House of Commons, though led on by such able lawyers as Sir John CAMPBELL and Mr. Serjeant WILDE-and with Sir Robert PEEL, apparently as zealous for the establishment of the democratic privilege against the law of Westminster Hall, as Lord John RUSSELL himself.

The House denied that the COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH had jurisdiction over what it called its privileges-yet instructed the ATTORNEY-GENERAL to argue the case in that Court, and ask for its decision! Then, finding that the decision was against it, denied that it was bound by that decision-yet submitted to it, paid the damages and costs awarded to the plaintiff! and, while performing this act of self-humiliation, loudly threatened all future suitors availing themselves of a similar cause of action, with summary vengeance, as well as their counsel, solicitors, and agents.

On that occasion Serjeant WILDE indeed acted consistently. He made a most able speech-the ablest speech, perhaps, ever made in the House of Commons, out of so bad an argument —and he did not, like others who took the same high view of the assumed powers of the House, run away from the consequences. A leading fallacy of that most ingenious and eloquent speech, which we remarked at the time, was the confounding a resolution of the House of Commons-and that too a modern resolution-with the law of parliament, which, as we formerly showed, is the law of both Houses, established and defined by immemorial usage. Nothing but an act of the whole legislature can create a new privilege of parliament. Serjeant WILDE fortified his own position by adducing in its support, we regret to say, the high legal authority of Sir Frederick POLLOCK and

Sir William FOLLETT, who, he said, had agreed to the report, and helped to settle it. It is understood, however, that those eminent conservative lawyers, upon more mature consideration, have adopted opinions worthier of the legal abilities and regard for constitutional principle which the public justly ascribe to them. The House of Commons having threatened first-then submitted then threatened again-the question arises now that a second verdict is obtained against their printer, and that for six times the amount of the former one, (though the cause of action is the same,) what will they do next? Threaten once more and submit again, unless they are prepared to assert their privilege by sending not only the plaintiff, the Sheriff, and the jury to "durance vile," but the JUDGES to the Tower.

Let us suppose the House of Commons sent the plaintiff to prison: he would sue out his habeas corpus before the JUDGES of the Queen's Bench, who, we are to presume, would pronounce the committal to be illegal. Then the JUDGES must be dragged to prison also; and if they sued out habeas corpora before their learned brethren, a similar decision would be pronounced, and those learned brethren must also be committed for contempt of the tyrant-democracy. This would happen near upon the time of the spring circuit, and the prisoners at all the assize towns in England and Wales must remain untried. *

**

But if the JUDGES of the Queen's Bench were even to determine that they had no jurisdiction over a committal by the House of Commons for contempt, the plaintiff or other party would have a right to go by writ of error upon their judgment to the appellate jurisdiction of the Lords,-so that the question of democratic privilege must, in that case, come for ultimate decision before the aristocratic branch of the legislature; an alternative which the House of Commons has all along wished to avoid.

Very awful indeed was the picture drawn the other day by a learned gentleman, before Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE, of the consequences to be apprehended from not granting a rule to relieve the Sherifft of MIDDLESEX from the execution of the

[+ In legal parlance, the two Sheriffs of London constitute one Sheriff for Middlesex. ED.]

writ of inquiry in the second action against the House of Common's printer; at least that magniloquent description of the fearful results of exciting the displeasure of the House of Commons would have been very awful, if it had not been very ludicrous: the learned orator, whose vehemence of action and swelling pomp of words seem to have been stimulated by the most patriotic anxiety for the preservation of the public peace, conjured up visions of a most appalling nature before the imagination of the peaceful and unpoetic Judge LITTLEDale, who listened patiently to the long array of rhetorical horrors, and sat under the infliction of them most provokingly unalarmed.— All the sublime images of physical force-military execution. -streets flowing with blood, and a deadly struggle extending over the whole kingdom, making it one vast Newport, extorted no other observation from the imperturbable Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE, than, "There being no sufficient reason given for the interference of the Court, there must be no rule ;" and then turning to another counsel," Mr. PLATT, do you move?" Thus was this intimidating appeal thrown away. Nor had it any effect upon the jury at the Sheriffs' Courts the next day, who, instead of deprecating the wrath of the House of Commons by shrinking from the assessment of damages, awarded the plaintiff six times as much as he received before the last terrible resolutions passed. * * *

We are now induced to believe that the leaders of the Commons' democracy are not prepared to commit themselves any farther with the JUDGES of the land, and with public opinion. It is hinted that the better mode of settling the matter, is to ask the Lords to join in a declaratory act. Aye; but why was not this done at first? The Commons wished to leave the House of Lords altogether out of the question, and to centre in themselves the power of the whole legislature.-Yet even to that proposition, though an acknowledgment of the total defeat of the Commons, we hope the Lords will not agree; but that they will express a readiness to assist the Commons in reforming the LAW OF LIBEL, not for the exclusive advantage of the House of Commons, but for the benefit of the whole community.

Written on a Tour in Yorkshire-in a Lady's Album.

ROMANTIC Rievaulx! hallow'd be the rest

Of those, who rear'd thee in this wild green vale

A temple lovely as the place is blest—

And stern as beautiful:-but words would fail
To paint thy ruin'd glories, though the gale
Of desolation sweeps thro' thy hoar pile,

And waves the long grass thro' thy cloisters pale
Where the dark ivy scorns day's garish smile,
And weed-grown fragments crown thy desecrated aisle.
[Unhallow'd] may his memory ever stand,

The regal robber, sensual, ruthless, vain,

Who smote thee, Rievaulx! with the barb'rous hand Of ruffian violence, and loosed a train

Of Vandal spoilers on thy holy fane—

Who drove thy children from their lone retreat,
Their quiet woodland home, where want and pain
Found aid and succour-and where lone and late
The weary pilgrim sought thy hospitable gate.

E'en now, while gazing on thy ruin'd walls
That fill with deep and holy awe the heart,
Remembrance sad the distant time recalls
When genius cloth'd thee in the spoils of art—
E'er England's king had played the robber's part
For foulest passion wasting holiest shrine,
Making thee, beauteous Rievaulx! what thou art-
Pampering vile minions with thy spoils divine,
Rooting, like mountain-boar, this fair and goodly vine.

How sweet the sounds !-whose soft enchantments rose
'Mid those wild woodlands at the matin prime-
Or when the vesper song at evening's close
Wafted the soul beyond the cares of time,
To that Elysium of a brighter clime

Where thro' heaven's portals golden vistas gleam,
And the high harps of Seraphim sublime
Came o'er the spirit like a prophet's dream,

Till faded earth away on glory's endless beam.

Oft the proud feudal chief, whom human law
Or kingly pow'r could bind not, nor control,
Has paus'd before thy gates in holy awe,
And felt religion's charm subdue his soul-
The heart that joy'd to hear the savage howl
Of battle on the breeze, has soften'd been-
List'ning the hymns of peace that sweetly stole
O'er this lone vale, where fancy's eye hath seen
Forms bright and angel-like glide thro' thy vistas green:

And angel forms here at thy altar knelt,

Fair dames, and gentle maidens whose bright eyes
The sternest heart of warrior-mould could melt,

Soft'ning grim war with gen'rous sympathy-
Pleading, like pity wafted from the skies
To quell the stormy rage of savage man :
And hence the gentle manners had their rise—
Hence knights for ladies' praise all dangers ran—
And thus, the glorious age of chivalry began.
Sept. 22, 1834.

The Conductors of the Independent Press.-Nov. 27, 1840. THE Standard has, in our opinion, acted an honourable part a part which is certainly not calculated to lower the character of the periodical press in the opinion of society, in having declined, even at the request or demand of the Duke of WELLINGTON himself, to give up the names of the correspondents, or the name of any one of them, from whom it received information of his Grace having admitted, that he had been deceived touching the Irish Municipal-Corporations Bill. A consciousness of having been imposed upon by wilful deception, would indeed justify the Standard in complying with the request of the Duke of WELLINGTON; but the editor of that journal disclaims the notion of any wilful deception having been practised upon him. He, therefore, properly adheres to his rule, "not to compromise any friend who has misinformed him, because he knows that the misinformation must be the result of error."