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Before the Budget was passed the average rates and taxes that a publican had to pay were seven to eight times that of an ordinary business doing the same turnover. For instance a publican with sales of £100 per week would pay in rates and taxes, including compensation levy, about £360 per annum, whereas a butcher or draper in the same neighbourhood would pay about £40. This heavy impost made additions to the value of a house not commonly feasible. But the Budget imposes on such a house a further sum of at least £200, bringing his payments up to some £560 a year. All these payments are more or less calculated on the assessments, therefore I fear that any improvements which may depend on an increase of size of the house must be relegated to that happy time when the taxation shall be diminished.

But this is not the only reason why public houses have not kept pace with the times. If any alteration of a house is proposed, even the position of a door or window, it is necessary to ask the leave of the licensing magistrates, and to show plans of the existing state of the house, and also of the proposed alteration. It is in the power of the Bench to pass or refuse the proposal at their discretion. It has been the policy of most Benches to discourage any alterations which might increase the licensed area. One Bench in a large Midland town openly told a publican "we want to improve you out of existence." A further reason why there is nothing to do in public houses but drink and play billiards is that by police regulations no games of any kind are allowed in public houses. It would seem wise that chess and draughts should be permitted. The essential immorality of dominoes or cards is not obvious. But at present billiards seems to be considered the only moral game. Even a musical box on the counter has actually been objected to. It is said that if games are allowed there may be gambling, It is most probable that the loser might pay for the beer, but surely this should not be considered an insuperable objection to a reform which would, I believe, be very much appreciated and do much good.

I fear I have shown that the matter is anything but simple, and that the course of reform will not be plain sailing. But I, none the less, see the pressing necessity of radical changes. The increase of clubs in various districts shows clearly that if the working classes cannot have what they want in public houses they will have it elsewhere. And this cannot be called a retrograde movement. A good and well-conducted club meets a very real need. The more educated and thoughtful the population become the more will they insist that their place of meeting shall not be hampered with vexing and intolerable restrictions, but that it shall be as large as is wanted, with full liberty to do what they will, within sane and sensible limits. That public houses are already feeling the competition of clubs is certain. The longer the policy of restrictions is followed the more difficult will the solution become. It would appear to be probable that such solution may be found in approximating clubs and public houses as much as may be found feasible.

At present in a club there is complete freedom. It is no offence against the law to be drunk or to gamble therein. Whereas, on the other hand, it is an offence which may lead to the complete ruin of the publican, to do on licensed premises many things to which there can be no real objection. Therefore I think that

the future should bring a much greater liberty to the public house, and also a method of eliminating anything now objectionable in some clubs. Unless this is accompanied with a large alteration in the financial burdens on the licensed premises the movement obviously cannot be widespread and general. It certainly should not be beyond the wit of man to construct a policy which would at the same time make greatly for temperance and also so pay existing owners of public houses that it would come into general practice.

But important as the improvement of public houses is, I doubt if it is at the moment the line of least resistance in temperance reform. There is another policy which, as a brewer, seems to me might lead to greater results. One of the few factors in the problem which appears to be generally accepted is that alcohol is the enemy, and that not in small doses, but in excess. If this can be postulated, is it possible to attack the question directly, and not only by indirect methods? Should it not be frankly acknowledged as an obvious fact that there must be more danger in a drink containing 50 per cent. alcohol than one which has only 31 per cent. to 4 per cent.? The exact danger-line has never been delineated. It is certain that ginger beer, which has 1 per cent., is not harmful, nor would it appear that when temperance drinks exceed this amount they do harm. Last year sixty-nine samples of " temperance" beverages were found to contain between 3 per cent, and 4 per cent., thirty had 4 per cent. to 6 per cent., one even 11 per cent. of alcohol. It would be well worth consideration whether it is possible to lay down an amount which may be proved to be generally wholesome. I am cognisant of no scientific experiments which show that beer containing, say, 4 per cent. alcohol-and a very large food-value-has a greater percentage of alcohol than is wise. In Denmark a beer has been found that is by general consent a temperance drink. It has lower alcohol than is usual with us- —but also a lower food-value. The relative importance to the working classes of these two factors is a matter for scientific consideration—and no doubt different opinions would be expressed. But it should be possible, after the centuries of experience we have had on the effect on the nation at large of drinking beer, to get to some solution. Then if a strong financial incentive were given towards pushing a beer which would be as near as possible to the ideal, surely the greatest possible temperance movement would be started. Such a policy would appear more sensible and likely to be more effective than one of mere restrictions piled one on another, Of course this will be said to be a special pleading for my trade. But it is a statement of fact as it appears to one who is daily brought face to face with the problem. And it may explain to some "temperance" speakers-a matter which they do not seem able to understand-why it is possible for a man who is a brewer to have an interest in the progress of his country, and even in social reform.-I am, &c.,

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THE

NATIONAL REVIEW

No. 333. NOVEMBER 1910

EPISODES OF THE MONTH

ALTHOUGH We have never pretended to be otherwise than frankly partisan in discussing those issues which form the battle-ground

between the Ins and the Outs, and endeavour Continuity of Policy to return a tit for every tat, we cannot be accused of at any time seeking to make Party capital out of the far greater national issues of National Defence and Foreign policy. Foreign policy-thanks in a large measure to the foresight and patriotism of the late Lord Salisbury and Lord Rosebery, who as outgoing and incoming ministers met and discussed the international situation on a change of Government, as also to the statesmanship of Lord Lansdowne and Sir Edward Grey in confirming the doctrine of continuity-has been practically removed from the Party arena to the immeasurable advantage of Nation and Empire. And though the Keir Hardies may rage furiously together, and the Byleses of Bradford imagine a vain thing, the public heartily approve. Every gain necessarily has its drawback, and serious critics are, no doubt, liable under the régime of continuity to become over cautious, so the Foreign Minister perhaps too easily escapes blame for blunders which, being human, he is bound to commit. But better this remissness a thousand times than any relapse into the old days of discontinuity and its attendant suspicions of Perfide Albion, who was a veritable nightmare to the Chanceries

VOL. LVI

23

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