face of one papist there. When he first raised his army, did he not, by proclamation, forbid any to come to him? But hark you, gentlemen, where would you have these papists be? Can they live in the air, or in the water? Beyond sea you will not suffer them to pass; if they stay at their houses, they are plundered, it is a good justification for plundering, that they are papists. Are they not the King's subjects, and should they not fly to him for protection? Is there any law, that says the papists must not assist the King with men, arms, or money, when he is in distress, and when he conceives himself to be in danger of his life? Let us look about us, if this world hold, not only all the papists, but all the gentlemen of England will find it necessary to carry all they have to the King, and venture it in that bottom.

But both houses have declared, that there hath been no plundering by the direction of parliament. Here, I think, they would be willing to admit the King to be part of the parliament, to save their honour; otherwise, if plundering signifies the coming with violence into one's house, and taking away his goods against his consent, sure there hath been much plundering, even by the direction of the houses; but have they ever punished plundering of the worst sort, if they have not directed it? Will a declaration of both houses repair the fine wainscot and the goodly leads of honest George Binyon's house? Let me tell you, the time hath been, the loss of such a citizen would have been talked of in another way. I wonder what kind of government is preparing for us, when they will not allow that the imprisonment of our persons is the taking away our liberty, or, the taking away the twentieth part of our estates is the destruction of our property; and did you mark what a notable reason was given us for this? The same law, that doth enable them to raise forces, doth likewise enable them to require contributions. It doth indeed, yet one might be without the other; but I would these gentlemen had chose another auditory to have convinced with this argument; the country people will be no more couzened by the city, when they hear what kind of oratory prevails over us; we shall be shortly told, when they have a mind to our houses, that the same law, which gave them authority to take away our money, gave them likewise power to do the other too.

The King tells us, if we shall hereafter contribute any thing for the maintenance of the army, which, he says, is in rebellion against him (he pardons what is past, mark that) he will deny us the benefit of his protection with foreign princes, which he will signify to his foreign ministers; what remedy have the lords and commons found for this now? Sufficient to do the business, they declare, that this is an excess of rigour, and injustice beyond example, and therefore they hope his Majesty will be induced, by better counsel, to forbear the execution. A very sovereign declaration; but it is ten to one, if we do not obey his Majesty in the injunction he hath laid upon us, he will use this excess of rigour. I know not how little you, that trade only within the kingdom, may think yourselves concerned in this; but I say, whoever understands the trade abroad, and the benefit of being a subject to the King of England, will not run this hazard; for, let him be assured, in

the instant the King disclaims him, he is ruined, and therefore, you who have estates abroad, look to it.

Gentlemen, I have troubled you very long, but, in good faith, the manner and the matter of the last day's work hath lain so heavy upon my heart, that I should have thought I had forfeited this gown, and this chain, if I had been silent, and, that I had betrayed the liberty of that famous city, which I am sworn to defend. One word I had forgotten to mention, the caution which was given us of such messengers as his Majesty should send, that we should observe them, that they might be dealt with, as messengers of sedition: God forbid we should live to see any messengers, sent to us from our gracious King, evilly intreated, I would be loth myself to outlive such a dishonour; if his Majesty shall vouchsafe us the honour of sending to us, let us use and defend his servants, as persons sent to us for our good; if it shall be otherwise, fire from heaven will consume this city. Let us not be wrought upon, by fair words, to contribute or lend more money for the maintenance of this civil, bloody dissension, or bring desolation and confusion upon this glorious city, for the support of four men, who, if innocent, will be safe; but let us remember the happiness and flourishing state we enjoyed, whilst we yielded obedience to our royal sovereign. Let us not, upon the general discourse of evil counsellers, rebel against a prince, upon whose person malice and treason cannot lay the least blemish, but must confess his religion, justice, and charity to be so transcendent, that, if he were a subject, would render him most amiable. Let us consider, that, if he be oppressed, there can be no end of these troubles, but we and our children shall be perpetually weltering in a sea of blood; whereas, if his enemies be overthrown, the whole kingdom will, within a moment, be restored to all the calm, pleasure, and plenty of peace. And therefore, if we intend to enjoy what we have, and that the younger men shall grow up to the same state we enjoy; if the memory of our forefathers, or the hope of our posterity, can move any thing with us, let us lay hold on the King's mercy, and submit to every proposition in his answer.

Whilst the alderman was speaking this speech, several great interruptions were made with hissing, and other such noises, some crying, No more, No more; others as importunately, Hear him, hear him, hear him; so that it was about an hour after he began to speak, before he ended: Whenever the clamour began to stop him, he sat down, without shew of any disturbance, and, when that noise was conquered, he began again, saying what he said last, and so proceeded; only once, when Alderman Bunce said, he spoke against the honourable house of commons, and that it was not to be endured; the alderman replied, with a little sharpness, that he had as much liberty to speak in that place, as any member of the house of commons had in the house of commons; and, if other men were content to lose their privileges, it should be remembered, that it was against his will. At which there was a great shout and acclamation, We will not lose our privileges; and after that there was not the least interruption, but the alderman was heard with great patience and attention. As soon as the speech was done, and the great shout and

hem ended (which some, in the street, apprehended to be a consent to lend money to the parliament, and ran to Westminster, and acquainted the house of commons with it, whereupon four members were appointed to draw up a declaration of thanks to the city) the lord mayor, trembling, and scarce able to speak, asked, What their resolution was concerning assisting the parliament with money, for the payment of their army? And, recovering his voice by degrees, offered them some reasons, and asked them, Whether they would lose all their thanks for what they had done already? But the cry was so great, no money, no money, peace, peace, that he could not be heard. One that stood near the mayor answered, that he doubted not, whoever could make it appear he had deserved thanks, might call for it, and have it; that the question was not, upon losing of some, but forfeiting of all; and whether the city would perish, or quit four men, for whom they had no reason to care? The voice was so great, one crying, That they who set them to work should defend them: Another, That since these troubles, none but bankrupts and knaves had prospered; a third, That, if they had common honesty, they would rather run away, than endeavour to save themselves, by bringing destruction upon the whole city. Then the court rose, and every man departed; so great a company going before, and following after Alderman Garroway to his house, that the streets were as full as at my lord mayor's show, some crying out, Where's Venn and his myrmidons? Others, when they should meet? To which a general shout answered, now, now: One of good credit with them wished them to proceed with discretion. A pox of discretion, said a butcher, we shall be undone with it; let us proceed as these people have taught; When we asked them, what we should have in the place of bishops? They told us, bishops were naught we all knew, and, when they were gone, we should think of somewhat that is better in their room? let us now take away what we know is naught, and we shall do well enough after. I owe them a good turn, for the honour they have done my trade? Sayest thou so, said a sturdy mariner, believe it, they who would persuade the honest sailors to turn traitors to their good King, for all his favours to them, shall repent it. The good alderman, being much troubled to hear the several expressions, besought them to depart every man to his own home, telling them, that, if at this time they should do any thing, it would be imputed to him, and he hoped they wished him no harm; whereupon they were contented to part, promising one another that when they next met, they would do something worth speaking of, and agreed that the word should be, Gurney, in honour of their good lord mayor.

THE

LIFE OF HENRY THE SECOND,

KING OF ENGLAND.

Shewing what troubles befel in his reign, concerning the wars between him and his subjects; and also the manner how he set up his standard near Rudland, Henry of Essex being General, and the manner how he left his crown; necessary to be observed in these dangerous and distracted times of ours.

Printed at London for H. B. 1642. Quarto, containing eight pages.

IN the year of our Lord 1154, Henry the Second was crowned; he was a man of a low stature, and fat of body, of a fresh colour, a valiant soldier, a good scholar, and of good expression in his speech; very wise, and much delighted with peace.

In the second year of his reign a council was held at Wallingford, where the nobles were sworn to the king and his issue, by an oath of allegiance composed by the king and his council for that purpose; after which Geffery the king's brother rose in rebellion, and did much hurt, but was afterwards overcome by the king, and all was yielded into the king's hands.

In the third year of his reign the Welchmen rose against him, and the king raised an army, and made Henry of Essex his chief general of the army; and, when the king was come into Wales, Henry of Essex, by the commandment of the king, raised the standard, and open war was proclaimed, and many from their own habitations (as also out of divers prisons) came to assist the king, and there was a great battle fought near to Rudland, where there were many men slain on both sides; but the king recovered the castle, and marched towards the castle of Basingwirk, where there was a great slaughter on the king's army, by reason whereof the army was much discouraged, and Henry of Essex, and those under him who had the trust of the bearing of the standard, did at that time let the standard fall down to the ground in the battle, which did so exceedingly encourage the Welchmen, that they pursued with great eagerness; the king himself was exceedingly dismayed hereat, and fled to save his life, but the two armies fought daily, for by the help of the Earl of Clare it was raised up again.

Now the king had appointed a navy of ships also to go forth against them, and Madoc ap Merideth was admiral of the seas, who had spoiled divers churches, and done much hurt in the Isle of Man, and Anglesey; but after much blood-shed they began on both sides to be weary of war, and there was an agreement and peace concluded, and

on the next Christmas day after, King Henry being at Worcester, went to church, and going to prayers with the congregation, took his crown off his head, and laid it on the communion table, and would never wear it after.

In the seventh year of his reign there being great troubles in Ireland about the rudiments of faith, and ecclesiastical rights, the king called a council, and Nicholas of Wallingford and William Fitz-Adelm were sent over to Ireland by the authority and consent of the king and council, at which time was this confession, or creed, published, viz.

' I BELEEVE in God Fadir Almichty, fppiper of heaven and earth, and in Ihesus Christ, his oneleihi Son ure Loverd, that is ivange thurch the holy Ghost, bore of Mary maiden, tholede pine under Ponce Pilat, picht on rode tree, dead and is buried, licht into hell, the tridde day from death arose, steich into heaven, sit on his Fadir richt honde God Almichty, then is comminde to deme the quickke and the dede; I beleeve in the holy Ghost, all holy chirche, mone of alle hallwen, forgivenis of sine, fleiss uprising, lif with aaten end.' Amen.

The king also caused an oath of fidelity to be drawn, for his subjects to swear to his son Prince Henry, concerning his inheritance under their fidelity to the king, in case the king should die before his son, which protestation was taken through the whole kingdom.

In the eighth year of his reign there was a sect sprang up called Publicans; the chief leader of them was one Gerard a good Scholar, but his fellows were most of them silly and ignorant people.

They denied the rights and ceremonies of the church, matrimony, baptism, the supper of the Lord, &c.

These were so stiff, and stood so stoutly to their opinions, that they would not be convinced of any error in their tenents; and, when Gerard the chief of them was brought to Oxford, he would not recant from any of his tenents, wherefore judgment was denounced against them.

1. That they should be stigmatised in their foreheads. 2. That they should be whipped. 3. That they should be turned out of the city. 4. That they should not be received into any town. 5. That none should give them any relief. 6. That none should afford them

succour.

any

These men nevertheless suffered joyfully, singing as they went, Blessed are ye when men hate you, Blessed are ye when men hate you, and so wandered in the fields till, with the cold and hunger, they all died, for no man durst relieve them.'

In the ninth year of his reign, Henry of Essex was accused of hightreason before the nobility, and these articles were exhibited against him,

1. That the said Henry of Essex did in the expedition to Wales, in