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cution. In all these transactions Cromwell

had

upon his guard, And it was as warrantable for Crom'well to fecure himself from the contrivances of his enemies in a fhattered parliament, of which he had fo long before fuch timely notice, as it was for them 'to feek his ruin. For they were not his fovereigns but his equals.When he found that his profperous 'atchievements raifed him enemies on every fide; that they who were moft beholding to his victorious fucceffes, combined with the greateft animofity to his 'deftruction; 'twas time for him then to look about him, and to oppofe their undermining devices with 'countermines of the fame nature. Nor does it appear by any proof that carries authority with it, that 'he pretended to fingle greatnefs till he was forced to ' it for his own fafety. It is agreed by the author of 'the Memoirs himself [Ludlow] that Cromwell offered

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more candid and eafy conditions to the King than the Prefbyterian party did; which if the King had ac'cepted (and it does not appear to be Cromwell's fault that he did not) Cromwell himfelf had then put a stop to all his fingle advancement; whereas he would furely have taken another courfe, had he at that time me'ditated fingle fovereignty; but the King, who was de'figned by fate to be a victim to evil counfel, refused thofe offers, trufting to vainer hopes. On the other fide, it was manifeft that the Prefbyterian party aimed at nothing more than their own advancement by their felling the bishops lands, and when they came to treat with the King, by their fo ftifly adhering to their propofition for the abolishing of epifcopacy, knowing there could be no bishops without maintenance, and that then they must be the paramount clergy. But then (indeed) Cromwell perceiving that it was not fafe to rely on the King, nor willing to truckle under a party that were treating for their own advancement upon his ruins, 'tis rational to believe, that from that time forward he began to look upon the King as a

• con

(d) Modeft

had (GG) a principal hand.--His name

for

conquered Prince, and that none could better fupply Vindication his room than the perfon who had subdued him (d).’ of O. Crom- This feems no ill-made apology.

well, p. 45.

47. 4to.

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(GG) In all thefe tranfactions Cromwell had a princiLond. 1698. pal hand.] After the feclufion of the members who promoted the treaty with the King, it was natural to expect that his Majefty never more would be permitted to bear rule. But it did not once, 1 believe, enter into the thoughts of him or his adherents, that he would be brought before a court of juftice, tried, and executed in an open and public manner. Yet all this we know happened, to the very great amazement of many. The part Cromwell had in these transactions comes now to be related. When it was firft moved in the houfe of commons to proceed capitally against the King, Cromwell ftood up and told them, that if any man moved this upon defign, he fhould think him the greatest traytor in the world; but fince providence and neceffity had caft them upon it, he should pray God to bless their counfels, though he were not provided on (e) Walker's History of the fudden to give them counfel (e).The followIndependen- ing anecdote from Burnet will fhew that he had well cy, part ii. confidered the reafons and grounds of the proceeding. Lieutenant-general Drummond, afterwards Lord Strathallan, was the relator. This gentleman happened to be with Cromwell when the commiffioners fent from Scotland to proteft against the putting the King to death 8 came to argue the matter with him. Cromwelt bade Drummond stay and hear their conference, which he did. They began in a heavy languid ftyle to lay indeed great loads upon the King: but they ftill infifted on that claufe in the covenant, by which they fwore they would be faithful in the prefervation of his Majefties perfon. With this they fhewed upon what terms Scotland, as well as the two houses, had engag ed in the war, and what folemn declarations of their zeal and duty to the King they all along publifhed;

P. 54.

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for this has been greatly reproached, though

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which would now appear to the fcandal and reproach of the chriftian name, to have been falfe pretences, if when the King was in their power they fhould pro• ceed to extremities. Upon this Cromwell entered into a long difcourfe of the nature of the regal power, according to the principles of Mariana and Buchanan: he thought a breach of truft in a King ought to be punished more • than any other crime whatsoever. He faid, as to their covenant, they fwore to the prefervation of the King's person in the defence of the true religion: if then it appeared that the fettlement of the true religion was obftructed by the King, fo that they could not come at it but by putting him out of the way, then their oath could not bind them to the preferving him any ⚫ longer. He faid alfo, their covenant did bind them to bring all malignants, incendiaries, and enemies to the cause, to condign punishment: and was not this to be executed impartially? What were all those on whom public juftice had been done, especially thofe who fuffered for joining Montrose, but fmall offenders acting by commiffion from the King, who was therefore the principal, and fo the most guilty? Drummond faid, Cromwell had plainly the better of them ' at their own weapon, and upon their own principles (ƒ).—On the 21 Jan. 1648, old ftyle, Hugh p. 61. Peters preaching at Whitehall, upon • Bind your Kings with chains, and your nobles in fetters of iron;' and talking, in his bold manner, concerning the King's being liable to the law as well as other men, Cromwell was obferved to laugh (g). And when on the motion of Mr. Downes, on the last day of the trial, the court adjourn ed into the court of wards, and was preffed in the most pathetic terms by him, to give the King liberty to make fome propofition to the parliament for the fettlement of the kingdom, as his Majefty had in court just before defired after Mr. Dounes had urged this, Cromwell ⚫ did answer with a great deal of form, He told the • pre

(ƒ) Vol. i.

(g) Exact and perfect Narrative of the Tryal of the Regicides, p.

168.

(b) Exact

and perfect Narrative,

&c. p. 1.

(7) Iá. p.

269.

(4) Clarendon, vol, vi. P. 763.

there were not wanting men of ability, at

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prefident that now he faw what great reafon the gentleman had to put fuch a great trouble upon them; faith he, fure he doth not know that he hath to do with the hardest hearted man that lives upon the earth; however it is not fit that the court fhould be hindred from their duty by one peevish man; he said the bottom was known, that I would fain fave his old mafter, and defired the court without any more ado, would go and do their duty (b).' Mr. Wayte, another of the King's judges, fays Cromwell laughed and jeered, and fmiled, in the court of wards on this occafion.' He afterwards adds, That being told -by Lord Gray that the King would not dye, the next day he went to the house, they were labouring to get hands for his execution at the door. I refufed, and went into the house; faith Cromwell, those that are 'gone in fhall fet their hands, I will have their hands

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now (i) Colonel Ingoldby was a relation of Cremwell's, and named a judge: but difliking the action, he always abfented himself. But the day after the fentence was pronounced, having occafion to go to the painted chamber, he faw Cromwell, and the reft of those who had fate upon the King, and were then, as he found afterwards, affembled to fign the warrant for the King's death. As foon as Cromwell's eyes were upon him, he run to him, and taking him by the hand, drew him by force to the table; and faid, Though he had efcaped him all the while before, he 'fhould now fign that paper as well as they; which he, feeing what it was, refufed with great paffion; faying, he knew nothing of the bufinefs; and offered to go away. But Cromwell, and others, held him by violence; and Cromwell with a loud laughter, taking his hand in his, and putting the pen between his fingers, with his own hand writ Richard Ingoldfby, he making all the refiftance he could (k).'--An exact copy of the warrant for the King's execution was pub

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lifaed

lifhed by the fociety of antiquaries of London, a few
years fince: in which it appears that the names of fome
perfons who had figned it were erafed, and other names
inferted, and that the day, as well as the officers who
were to fee to the execution of it, were changed. Crom-
well's name ftands third on the warrant.-But to go on :
Colonel Huncks declares, That a little before the
< King's execution, he was in Ireton's chamber, where
Ireton and Harrifon were in bed together; there was
Cromwell, colonel Hacker, lieutenant-colonel Phayer,
Axtell and himself standing at the door, the warrant
⚫ for the execution was there produced, and Mr. Hacker
was reading of it, but Cromwell addreffed himself to
him [Huncks] commanding him by virtue of that war-
<rant, to draw up an order for the executioner. I re-
fused it, adds he, and upon refufing of it, there hap-
pened fome crofs paffages. Cromwell would have no
delay. There was a little table that ftood by the
door, and pen, ink, and paper being there, Cromwell
ftept, and writ (I conceive he wrote that which he
would have had me to write) as foon as he had done
writing, he gives the pen over to Hacker, Hacker he
ftoops and did write (I cannot fay what he writ) away
goes Cromwell, and then Axtell; we all went out, af-
terwards they went into another room; immediately
the King came out, and was murthered (?).' The ( P. 221.
following relation (if it had not been contrary to Huncks's
account) is of too doubtful an authority to be absolutely
relied on, though in a work of this nature it cannot
well be omitted. While these things were acting,
[the fitting the fcaffold for the King's execution] the
• Lord Fairfax, who had always forborn any public
appearance in the practices of this murther, had taken
up (as is credibly reported) fome refolutions, (either
⚫ in abhorrency of the crime, or by the follicitations of
others) with his own regiment, though none else
fhould follow him, to hinder the execution. This
being fufpected or known, Cromwell, Ireton and Har-
rifon coming to him, after their ufual way of deceiv-
ing, endeavoured to perfwade him, that the Lord had
rejected the King, and with fuch like language as they

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