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ligious; the application of the large church

reve

writers to defend and applaud their measures. For, to
the disgrace of letters, venal pens in all ages have been in
plenty. Hence it has come to pass that panegyrics have
been made on the worst measures and aiministrations,
even by men who, in their hearts, despised them. It
is no way surprizing therefore that the parliament should
have had writers on their side : their power and wealth
would account for this. But that they should have
searched out and found men of rcal abilities to undertake
their cause, and do justice to their actions, must bave
arose only from their own judgment and liberality,
The works of Milton are well known. They are an
honor to himself, his cause and his employers.
« The Tenre of Kings and Magistratus,' was written to
prove, "That it is lawful, and hath been held so
through all ages, for any, who have the power, to call
to account a tyrant, or wicked King, and after due
conviction to depose, and put him to death; if the or-
dinary magistrate have neglected, or denied to do it.'-
In a noble strain it is here said, “ None can love free-

dom heartily, but good men ; the rest love not free

dom, but licence; which never hath more scope, or « more indulgence than under tyrants.' His Iconoclastes was undertaken in the behalf of liberty and

the commonwealth, as was his answer to Salmafius also, ()Prose by the appointment, as he says, and not without the

approbation of the civil power (p). The parliament rewarded him with a thousand pound for this last performance, and made him their Latin ficretarv, by which they obtained a never-dying fame. For his ttate letters written in that language, exceed beyond comparison any thing of that kind extant. We are not to wonder

therefore that liilion's reputation was high both at (qRichard- home'and abroad; or that he vras visited and invited by fon's Life of foreign ambassadors at London, not excepting those of 79. 8vo.

• crowned heads (9), -_ Hie was worthy of the honor. Lond. 1734. For, ' as he looked upon true and absolute freedom to

Work 3, p

599

Milion, p.

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to his Prole

cbe the greatest happiness of this life, whether to fo

cieties or single persons, fo he thought constraint of

any sort to be the utmost misery; for which reason he sured frequently to tell those about him of the intire • fatisfaciion of his mind, that he had constantly em!ployed his fcrength and faculties in the defence of li

berty, and in direct opposition to flavery. And his averfion to monarchy, as he told his friend Sir Robert Howard, was heightened by this consideration,

v i that the trappings of it might support an ordinary com- by Dr. monwealth (r). It is asserted on good authority, Birch, p. "That Milton was allowed a weekly table by the par

74. prefixed aliament, for the entertainment of foreign ministers, Works, o especially such as come from protestant states, and for

the learned : which allowance was also continued by « Cromwell *.' How noble the example.---Marchamort Needham, who had written Mercurius Pragmaticus against the parliament, was not only pardoned by them, but if we may believe Mr. Wood, by promises of rewards and places, was induced to become an advocate for them and liberty. This was a writer indeed worth gaining. His morals or integrity perhaps were not the most strict, (though I know nothing alledged against him on these heads, except changing his party often) but he had wit, parts, learning, and a style beyond most of his age. • His Mercurius Politicus, which

came out by authority, and flew every week into all • parts of the nation for more than ten years, had very « great influence upon numbers of inconsiderable per• fons, such as have a strong presumption that all muft

needs be true that is in print. He was the Goliah of • the Philiftians, the great champion of the late usur

per, whose pen in comparison of others, was like a weavers beam. And certainly he that will, or can

* Toland's life of Milton, p. 110, in the note, 8vo. Lond. 21. elit. N. B. This edition is enriched with most curious and valuable observations in the notes.

s peruse

chapters, who by act of parliament had

been

covereign, fes with profe could not het of all lies)

6 peruse those his intelligences called Merc. Politici, will o judge that had the devil himself (the father of all lies)

been in this Goliah's office, he could not have exceeded him. As having with profound malice calumniated

his sovereign, scurrility abused the nobility, impudence

• blasphemed the church and members thereof, and in(3) Athene • duftry poisoned the people with dangerous princiOxonienfes, vol. ii. c'' ples (3). One may easily gather from this character, 626. that Needham with zeal and ability defended the cause

of his masters against their adversaries. Besides the quotation given in note (hh), I will add a few more, as the work from whence I take it is not in many hands, and very little known even amongst the curious.

In one of his papers he asserts, " That the original of all just power and government is in the people. This he proves after the following manner. As for

the government of the Ijralites, first under Moles,

then Joshua and the judges, the Scriptures plainly • Thew, that they were extraordinary governors being

of God's immediate institution, who raised them up « by his spirit, and imposed them upon that people, < whose peculiar happiness it was in cases of this nature, « to have so infallible and sure a direction; so that their • government was a Theocrafie (as some have called it) « having God himself for its only original, and there

fore no wonder we have in that time and nation to 5 few visible footsteps of the peoples election, or of an

inftitution by compact. But yet we find after the « judges, that when this people rejected this more immediate way of government by God (as the Lord

tells Samuel, they have not rejected thee, but me) and • desired a government after the manner of other nations,

then God seems to forbear the use of his prerogative, .. and leave them to an exercise of their own natural

rights and liberties, to maké choice of a new govern• ment and governor by suffrage and compact. The government they aimed at was kingly. God him

been abolished, and the wise provision

made

< self was displeased at it, and so was Samuel too, who « in hope to continue the old form, and to fright them < from the new, tells them what monsters in govern• ment Kings would prove, by assuming unto them< selves an arbitrary power (not that a King might law. (fully and by right do what Samuel describes (as Salma.. < fius and all the royal interpreters would have us be< lieve) but only to shew how far Kings would presume « to abuse their power, which no doubt Samuel forefaw, < not only by reason, but by the spirit of prophecy.) • Nevertheless the people would have a King; say < they, Nay, but there shall be a King over us: where

upon faith God to Samuel, Hearken to their voice: < where you plainly fee, first God gives the leave to ' exercise their own natural right, in making choice of • their form of government. But then indeed for the - choice of their governor, there was one thing extra• ordinary, in that God appointed them one, he vouch< fafing still in an extraordinary and immediate manner (to be their director and protector; but yet though

God was pleased to nominate the person, he left the « confirmation and ratification of the kingship unto the

people, to shew that naturally the right of all was in " them, however, the exercise of it were superseded at " that time by his divine pleasure, as to the point of no(mination. For that the people might underland it I was their right, Samuel calls chem all to Mizpeh, as « if the matter were all to be done anew on their part, " and there by lot they at length made choice of Saul, (and so immediately proclaim him with thouts and ac• clamations; and then having had proof of his valour

against the Ammonites, they met at Gilgal, and pro" claim him King once again, to show (that naturally) • the validity of his kingship depended wholly on the

peoples consent and confirmation, and so you see, the • first and most eminent evidence of the institution of • political government in Scripture doth notoriously de

• mon

made for their state clergy and the univers

sities;

us)

(1) Mercuri- « monstrate, that its original is in or from the peo

cus, o ple (t).'— In another place, speaking of errors in No.98. p. 1538.- policy, he says, ' The regulation of affairs by reason of

• state, not the strict rule of honesty, has been an epi• demical one. But for fear I be mistaken, continues • he, you are to understand, that by reason of state here ( we do not condemn the equitable result of prudence " and right reason; for upon determinations of this na

ture depends the safety of all states and princes; but ( that reason of state which flows from a corrupt princi"ple to an indirect end; that reason of state which is " the statesman's reason, or rather his will and luft, ' when he admits ambition to be a reason, preferment,

power, profit, revenge and opportunity to be reasons sufficient to put him upon any design or action that may tend to present advantage; though contrary to < the law of God, or the law of common honesty, and • of nations.—Reason of state is the most sovereign ( command, and the most important counsellor. Rea<fon of state is the card and compass of the ship. Rea

son of state is many times the religion of a state; the • law, the life of a Itate. That which answers all ob

jections and quarrels about mal-government. That ( which wages war, imposes taxes, cuts off offenders, I pardons offenders, fends and treats ambassadors. It I can say and unsay; do and undo, balk the common c road, make high-ways to become by.ways, and the

farthest about to become the nearest cut. If a dif. <ficult knot come to be untied, which neither the di

vine by Scripture, nor lawyer by case or precedent can

untie, then reason of state, or an hundred ways more " which ideots know not, dissolve it. This is that great

empress which the Italians call Raggione di Stato: it

can rant as a soldier, compliment as a monsieur, trick

( it as a juggler, strut it as a statesman, and is as change. (w) Id. No. 108. p.

: «able as the moon in the variety of her appearan1690. ces (u).' This beautiful piece of fatyr will, I pre

fume,

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