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ligious; the application of the large church

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writers to defend and applaud their measures. For, to the difgrace of letters, venal pens in all ages have been in plenty. Hence it has come to pafs that panegyrics have been made on the worst measures and administrations, even by men who, in their hearts, defpifed them. It is no way furprizing therefore that the parliament fhould have had writers on their fide: their power and wealth would account for this. But that they fhould have fearched out and found men of real abilities to undertake their caufe, and do juftice to their actions, muft have arofe only from their own judgment and liberality. The works of Milton are well known. They are an honor to himself, his caufe and his employers.

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• The Tenure of Kings and Magiflrates,' was written to prove, That it is lawful, and hath been held fo through all ages, for any, who have the power, to call to account a tyrant, or wicked King, and after due conviction to depofe, and put him to death; if the ordinary magiftrate have neglected, or denied to do it.'In a noble ftrain it is here faid, None can love freedom heartily, but good men; the reft love not freedom, but licence; which never hath more fcope, or more indulgence than under tyrants.' His Iconoclaftes was undertaken in the behalf of liberty and the commonwealth, as was his anfwer to Salmafius allo, by the appointment, as he fays, and not without the approbation of the civil power (p). The parliament rewarded him with a thousand pound for this laft performance, and made him their Latin fecretary, by which they obtained a never-dying fame. For his ftate letters written in that language, exceed beyond comparison any thing of that kind extant. We are not to wonder therefore that Milton's reputation was high both at (9) Richard- home and abroad; or that he was vifited and invited by fon's Life of foreign ambaffadors at London, not excepting thofe of Milton, P. crowned heads (9).—He was worthy of the honor. Lond. 1734. For, as he looked upon true and abfolute freedom to

(p)Profe Works, p

599.

79. 8vo.

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be the greatest happiness of this life, whether to focieties or fingle perfons, fo he thought conftraint of any fort to be the utmoft mifery; for which reafon he ufed frequently to tell thofe about him of the intire fatisfaction of his mind, that he had conftantly employed his frength and faculties in the defence of liberty, and in direct oppofition to flavery. And his averfion to monarchy, as he told his friend Sir Robert Howard, was heightened by this confideration, that the trappings of it might fupport an ordinary com- by Dr. (r) Life, monwealth ().It is aflerted on good authority, Birch, p. That Milton was allowed a weekly table by the par- to his Profe liament, for the entertainment of foreign minifters, Works. efpecially fuch as come from proteftant ftates, and for the learned which allowance was alfo continued by • Cromwell * How noble the example.--Marchamont Needham, who had written Mercurius Pragmaticus against the parliament, was not only pardoned by them, but if we may believe Mr. Wood, by promifes of rewards and places, was induced to become an advocate for them and liberty. This was a writer indeed worth gaining. His morals or integrity perhaps were not the moft ftrict, (though I know nothing alledged against him on thefe heads, except changing his party often) but he had wit, parts, learning, and a ftyle beyond most of his age. His Mercurius Politicus, which came out by authority, and flew every week into all parts of the nation for more than ten years, had very great influence upon numbers of inconfiderable perfons, fuch as have a ftrong prefumption that all muft • needs be true that is in print. He was the Goliah of the Philiftians, the great champion of the late ufurper, whose pen in comparifon of others, was like a weavers beam. And certainly he that will, or can

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Toland's life of Milton, p. 110, in the note, 8vo. Lond. 24. edit. N. B. This edition is enriched with moft curious and valuable obfervations

in the notes.

• perufe

chapters, who by act of parliament had

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peruse those his intelligences called Merc. Politici, will judge that had the devil himself (the father of all lies) been in this Goliah's office, he could not have exceeded him. As having with profound malice calumniated his fovereign, fcurrility abused the nobility, impudence blafphemed the church and members thereof, and in(5) Athena duftry poifoned the people with dangerous principles (s). One may eafily gather from this character, that Needham with zeal and ability defended the cause of his mafters against their adverfaries. Befides the quotation given in note (HH), I will add a few more, as the work from whence I take it is not in many hands, and very little known even amongst the curious.

Oxonienfes,

vol. ii. c.

626.

In one of his papers he afferts, That the original of all just power and government is in the people.' This he proves after the following manner.As for

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the government of the Iralites, firft under Mofes, then Joshua and the judges, the Scriptures plainly fhew, that they were extraordinary governors being of God's immediate inftitution, who raifed them up by his fpirit, and impofed them upon that people, whofe peculiar happiness it was in cafes of this nature, to have fo infallible and fure a direction; fo that their government was a Theocrafie (as fome have called it) having God himself for its only original, and there'fore no wonder we have in that time and nation fo few vifible footsteps of the peoples election, or of an inflitution by compact. But yet we find after the judges, that when this people rejected this more immediate way of government by God (as the Lord tells Samuel, they have not rejected thee, but me) and defired a government after the manner of other nations, then God feems to forbear the ufe of his prerogative, and leave them to an exercife of their own natural rights and liberties, to make choice of a new government and governor by fuffrage and compact. The . government they aimed at was kingly. God him

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been abolished, and the wife provifion made

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felf was difpleafed at it, and fo was Samuel too, who in hope to continue the old form, and to fright them from the new, tells them what monfters in government Kings would prove, by affuming unto themfelves an arbitrary power (not that a King might lawfully and by right do what Samuel defcribes (as Salma- . fius and all the royal interpreters would have us believe) but only to fhew how far Kings would presume to abuse their power, which no doubt Samuel forefaw, not only by reafon, but by the fpirit of prophecy.) Nevertheless the people would have a King; fay they, Nay, but there fhall be a King over us: whereupon faith God to Samuel, Hearken to their voice: where you plainly fee, firft God gives the leave to <exercise their own natural right, in making choice of their form of government. But then indeed for the choice of their governor, there was one thing extraordinary, in that God appointed them one, he vouchfafing ftill in an extraordinary and immediate manner to be their director and protector; but yet though God was pleafed to nominate the perfon, he left the ⚫ confirmation and ratification of the kingfhip unto the ⚫ people, to fhew that naturally the right of all was in them, however, the exercise of it were fuperfeded at that time by his divine pleafure, as to the point of nomination. For that the people might understand it was their right, Samuel calls them all to Mizpeh, as if the matter were all to be done anew on their part, and there by lot they at length made choice of Saul, and fo immediately proclaim him with fhouts and acclamations; and then having had proof of his valour against the Ammonites, they met at Gilgal, and proclaim him King once again, to fhew (that naturally) the validity of his kingship depended wholly on the peoples confent and confirmation, and fo you fee, the first and most eminent evidence of the inftitution of political government in Scripture doth notoriously de

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made for their state clergy and the univer

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() Mercuri-monftrate, that its original is in or from the peous Politicus, ple (t).In another place, fpeaking of errors in No. 98. p. 1538. policy, he fays, The regulation of affairs by reafon of ftate, not the ftrict rule of honefty, has been an epi⚫demical one. But for fear I be mistaken, continues he, you are to understand, that by reafon of ftate here we do not condemn the equitable refult of prudence and right reafon; for upon determinations of this nature depends the fafety of all ftates and princes; but that reafon of ftate which flows from a corrupt principle to an indirect end; that reafon of ftate which is the statesman's reafon, or rather his will and luft, when he admits ambition to be a reafon, preferment, power, profit, revenge and opportunity to be reafons fufficient to put him upon any defign or action that may tend to prefent advantage; though contrary to the law of God, or the law of common honefty, and of nations.-Reafon of ftate is the moft fovereign command, and the most important counfellor. Reafon of ftate is the card and compafs of the fhip. Reafon of ftate is many times the religion of a ftate; the law, the life of a flate. That which answers all objections and quarrels about mal-government. That which wages war, impofes taxes, cuts off offenders, pardons offenders, fends and treats ambaffadors. It can fay and unfay; do and undo, balk the common road, make high-ways to become by-ways, and the fartheft about to become the nearest cut. If a dif'ficult knot come to be untied, which neither the divine by Scripture, nor lawyer by cafe or precedent can untie, then reafon of ftate, or an hundred ways more which ideots know not, diffolve it. This is that great emprefs which the Italians call Raggione di Stato: it can rant as a foldier, compliment as a monfieur, trick it as a juggler, ftrut it as a statesman, and is as changeable as the moon in the variety of her appearances (u). This beautiful piece of fatyr will, I pre

(2) Id. No.

1c8. P. 1690.

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