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fume, be acceptable to many of my readers.I will make but one citation more from this writer, but it contains, I believe, the fentiments of the majority in power at that time on the fubject of church government.——— If we feriously reflect, fays he, upon the defign of God, in bringing Chrift into the world, we fhall find it was to fet an end to the pompous adminiftration of the Jewish form; that as his church and people were formerly confined within the narrow pale of a particular nation, fo now the pale fhould be broken down, and all nations taken into the church. Not all nations in a lump: not any whole nations, or national bodies to be formed into churches: for his ⚫ church or people now under the Gospel are not to be a body political, but fpiritual and myftical: not a promifcuous confufion of perfons taken in at adventure, but an orderly collection, a picking and chuting of fuch as are called and fanctifyed, &c. Not a compa< ny of men forced in by commands and conftitutions of worldly power and prudence, but of fuch as are brought in by the power and efficacy of Chrift's word and spirit. For he himfelf hath faid, My kingdom is not from hence; my kingdom is not of this world, &c. And therefore that hand which hitherto hath prefumed in moft nations to erect a power called ecclefiaftick in equipage with the civil to bear sway, and bind mens confciences to certain notions ordained for orthodox, upon civil penalties, under colour of prudence, good order, difcipline, preventing of herefy, and advancing of Chrift's kingdom; and to this end hath twisted the fpiritual power (as they call it) with the worldly and fecular intereft of ftate; this i fay hath been the right hand of antichrift, oppofing Chrift in his way, whofe kingdom being not of this world, depends not upon the helps and devices of (4) Mercuri worldly wisdom (x).' I hefe extracts fufficiently fhow how well the caufe of liberty, civil and religious, was underflood in thefe times; how much the parliament had them at heart. For none but n.en confcious of fair intentions, and upright defigns towards the public, would have favoured the propagation of notions deftructive of

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evil magiftrates, and wicked priests, their neverfailing coadjutors. But zealous as thefe men were for liberty, they were careful to keep their people as much as poffible from popery, and follicitous to hinder their perverfion to that abfurd and cruel fuperftition. A letter to the Spanish ambaffador will fet this in a clear light. It is as follows: The parliament of the commonwealth of England, understanding that feveral of the people of this city daily refort to the houfe of your excellency, and other ambaffadors and public minifters from foreign nations here refiding, meerly to hear mafs, gave order to the council of ftate, to let your excellency understand, that whereas fuch refort is prohibited by the laws of the nation, and of very evil example in this our republic, and extreamly scandalous; that they deem it their duty to take care that no fuch thing be permitted henceforward, and to prohibit all fuch affemblys for the future. Concerning which, 'tis our defire that your excellency fhould have a fair advertisement, to the end that henceforth your excellency may ⚫ be more careful of admitting any of the people of this republic to hear mafs in your houfe. And as the parliament will diligently provide that your excellency's rights and priviledges fhall be preferved inviolable, fo they perfuade themselves that your excellency, during your abode here, would by no means that the laws of this republic fhould be violated by yourself or by your Works, vol. attendants (y). What would the parliament have thought of one hundred thoufand Papists in London and Westminer, the number reckoned by perfons employed in 1745 Since that time they have much encreased, if reports are to be relied on. In fuch open defiance of our laws, fays an ingenious writer, has Popery been long making great progrefs. And whether the threatning confequences are not formidable, may well de'ferve the confideration of fuch who are able to difcern the inestimable value of our civil and religious liber<ties.It would be far from us, after all, to defire any pains or penalties fhould be inflicted on men, because they have an extravagant ritual, and are fond of worshipping a troop of deities or demons: or for fay

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ing prayers by tale or number, either to real or imaginary faints: for venerating a wafer or crucifix. Since he who can feaft his foul, either on gold, filver, or precious ftones, or who can beft relifh wood, hay, or ftubble; fhould only have our pity, and we ought to with him a lefs depraved appetite. But fo long as the Papist holds opinions fubverfive of morality, deftructive of fociety, dangerous to the civil and religious rights of mankind, i. e. fo long as the hand of popery is against every man, fo long every man's hand fhould be against popery. The voice of nature, of felf preservation, is loud in the breast of every pro- (*) Thee teftant against this fuperftition (z). The reader will refolved, p. pardon I doubt not this fmall digreffion, if indeed it be 30. 8vo.

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Questions

Lond. 1757.

I proceed now with the fubject. Befides Milton and Needham, the parliament had another writer of fome figure on their fide, viz. John Parker, father to Sam. Parker, bifhop of Oxon, in the time of James I. This gentleman, In the year 1650, printed a remarkable book called The government of the people of England precedent and prefent the fame. It was written to fpirit men to fubfcribe to the engagement to be true and faithful to the commonwealth as then established, without a King or the house of lords: and there he afferts that, Populus fuo magiftratu prior eft tempore na• turadignitate: quia populus magiftratum conftituit, & quia populus fine magiftratu effe poteft, fed magistratus fine populo non poteft effe. Alfo out of another claffical author, Vindiciae contra Tyrannos, he affirms, Reges funt a populo. & funt conftituti caufa populi. More he undertakes to prove that the Kings of England had no negative voice rightly and by law, but that it was • contrary to the law and their oath at coronation. And then a fortiori, that the lords neither can have any (4) Rehear negative upon the people (a).' This book I never profed, part faw. The writings of Henry Parker on the behalf of 2d. p. 132. the parliament are better known. They ate indeed Lond. 1673. worth preferving. Mr. Wood has given us a catalogue Athenæ of them (b).Andrew Marvel is, I know, commonly Oxon. vol. faid to have been employed, under Milion, by the com- ii. c. p. 222.

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monwealth. But I apprehend this to be a mistake, as will appear from his own account. As to myself, fays he, I never had any, not the remoteft relation to publick matters, nor correfpondence with the perfons then predominant, until the year 1657. When in• deed I entered into an employment, for which I was not altogether improper, and which I confidered to be the most innocent and inoffenfive towards his Majefty's affairs of any in that ufurped and irregular go⚫vernment, to which all men were then expofed. And this I accordingly difcharged without difobliging any

one perfon (c).'--It muft not be forgotten that all profed, part thefe gentlemen found their account in writing for the 28. p. 127. parliament and Cromwell. Both the Porkers were enriched by lucrative and honourable employs, and Marvel, I fuppofe, was not unrewarded for the difcharge of his office, by the Protector.

(UU) The wife provision made for their state clergy, and the univerfities. The clergy, in moft countries where christianity prevailed, got wealth, honour and power. Unmindful of their Mafter's doctrine and example, they loved the world, and the things which were in it, and, by a variety of ways and means, accumulated large poffeffions. How honeftly they got fome, how wifely others were beftowed on them by princes, great men, weak women, and perfons, indeed, of all ranks and degrees, from a perfuafion inftilled into them of at(d) See Fa- toning for their tranfgreffions, and getting better things in reverfion in lieu of them; I fay, how all this hapon benefici- pened is well known to moft (d). Henry VIII. with ary matters, confent of parliament, made bold to lay his hand on the lands, tenements, and hereditaments of the abbeys clefiaftical and monafteries, and gave, or fold them, to fuch as were able to make a better uíe of them; and his fon and Nevil's Pla- fucceflor Edward, as well as his daughter Elizabeth, to Redivi- approved of his proceedings, and availed themselves of us, p. 98- his example, by plucking now and then a goodly ma

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without prejudice, we fhall, probably, be forced to acknowledge, that they were born for

nor or two from the bifhopricks. This (with the power of tranflations) made the bishops cautious of offending, and follicitous of obtaining the good will of the fovereign, and his favourites: and they applied themfelves with so much zeal thereunto, that they foon became downright courtiers, fupple, complaifant, unmeaning, and ready to put their hand to carry any thing into execution, which they judged agreeable to the crown. So that, for the most part, they were friends to the prerogative, and averfe to liberty. For thefe and other causes, the lords and commons thought proper, by an act of parliament, which had the royal affent, to exclude them from the houfe of peers; and, by an ordinance of both houses, dated October 9, 1646, their office was abolifhed, and their lands and poffeffions fettled upon trustees for the use of the commonwealth. The preamble to this ordinance will explain the motives on which it was made. It runs thus: For the abolishing of archbishops and bifhops, and providing for the payment of the juft and neceffary debts of the kingdom, into which the fame hath been drawn by a war, mainly promoted by and in favour of the faid archbishops and bishops, and other their adherents and dependants; be it ordained,' &c. (*) Thus the whole. of the bishops lands became vefted in the parliament, who, by an ordinance, bearing date, Oob r 3, 1648, ordered, the truftees to give warrants to the treasu- rers for the iffuing out and paying of the rents and ⚫ revenues of parfonages impropriate, tythes, oblations, ' obventions, penfions, portions of tythes, parfonages

(*) See a collection of feveral acts of parliament, ordinances, &c. for providing maintenance for minifters, heads of colleges, &c. 4to. Lond. 1657. 'Tis from this book I have taken the feveral citations from the ordinances in this note. See alfo Scobel's collections, and Kennet's Cafe of impropriations and augmentation of vicarages, p. 241, and 268, 8vo, Lond. 1704

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